scholarly journals O impacto da Revolução Cubana sobre a esquerda brasileira (1959-1974) [Artículo evaluado por pares]

2018 ◽  
pp. 65-79
Author(s):  
Jean Rodrigues Sales
Keyword(s):  
Cuban Revolution ◽  
Guerrilla Warfare ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Ideological Debate ◽  
Armed Resistance ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
Present Thesis

esumenEl objetivo principal de este texto es analizar la influencia de la Revolución Cubana sobre las izquierdas comunistas brasileñas en el período de 1959 a 1974. Se trata de entender en qué medida las ideas del foquismo y la guerra de guerrillas influenciaron el debate ideológico de los comunistas brasileños y cuáles fueron sus desdoblamientos para sus formulaciones teóricas y su práctica política. La conclusión general es que diversos aspectos del ideario revolucionario cubano estuvieron presentes en el surgimiento de la izquierda revolucionaria brasileña, en el debate respecto de la lucha armada contra la dictadura militar y en la adopción de la bandera del socialismo por una parte de esa izquierda. Palabras ClaveRevolución Cubana; Guerra de guerrillas; Comunismo brasileño Abstract The main objective of the present thesis is to analyze the relationships between the Brazilian communist leftist movements and the Cuban revolution between 1959 and 1974. We aim at understanding how far the ideas of the foquismo and the guerilla war influenced the ideological debate of the Brazilian communists and the consequences for its theoretical formulations and the political practice. The general conclusion is that the Cuban revolutionary process was mainly present in the debate on the definition of the armed resistance to the military dictatorship and the adoption of socialism by a part of that leftist movement. Key-wordsCuban Revolution; Guerrilla Warfare; Brazilian Communism.  

scholarly journals Jaime Wright (1929-1999) e a defesa dos direitos humanos no contexto da resistência à ditadura militar no brasil | Jaime Wright (1929-1999) and the defense of human rights in the context of the military dictatorship resistance in Brazil

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 09-22
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Pinto de Andrade ◽  
Rogerio De Almeida Souza
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Support ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Brazilian Society ◽  
Politically Persecuted ◽  
The Military

Este texto tem como objetivo analisar a vida e a obra de Jaime Nelson Wright (1927-1999), pastor presbiteriano, opositor do regime militar no Brasil e intelectual engajado na luta pela defesa dos direitos humanos. Foi uma das vozes que mais combateu a ditadura militar no interior do protestantismo brasileiro. Desde a deflagração do golpe em 1964, fez a opção político/religiosa de não aderir ao regime autoritário. Wright se vinculou ao movimento estudantil e dedicou-se ao amparo religioso/pastoral dos perseguidos políticos. Sua contribuição como intelectual, perpassa o campo religioso. Ele atuou junto aos organismos internacionais voltados para a defesa dos direitos humanos e fundamentais à vida e denunciou as atrocidades do regime militar no Brasil. Para a efetivação da pesquisa foram utilizadas as seguintes fontes: documentos e imagens disponibilizados pelo projeto Brasil: Nunca Mais; jornais da época: entrevistas e matérias; decretos e leis. Os dados revelados pelas fontes indicam que a vida e obra de Jaime Wright contribuíram decisivamente para o processo de redemocratização do Brasil. This text analyzes the life and work of Jaime Nelson Wright (1927-1999), a Presbyterian pastor, a fierce opponent of the military regime in Brazil, and intellectually engaged in the struggle for the defense of human rights. He was one of the voices that most fought the military dictatorship in the Brazilian Protestant movement. Since the outbreak of the coup in 1964, he made the political and religious choice of not joining the authoritarian regime. Wright joined the student movement and dedicated himself to the religious support of the politically persecuted. His contribution as a committed intellectual goes beyond the clerical field. He was involved with international organizations dedicated to the defense of human rights and the fundamental rights to life. He also exposed the military regime's atrocities. For the realization of the research were used the following sources: documents and images made available by the Project Brazil: Never Again; newspapers of the time: interviews and stories; decrees and laws. The data revealed by the sources, indicate the life and work of Jaime Wright contributed in a decisive way to the re-democratization process in the Brazilian society.

scholarly journals RESERVA DE MERCADO: UM MAL ENTENDIDO CASO POLÍTICO-TECNOLÓGICO DE “SUCESSO” DEMOCRÁTICO E “FRACASSO” AUTORITÁRIO

2000 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Da Costa Marques
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Successful Implementation ◽  
Satisfactory Explanation ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Special Character ◽  
Computer Professionals ◽  
Two Phases ◽  
The Military

A oferta ao mercado de produtos tecnicamente defasados com preços altos e a pressão norte-americana são explicações insatisfatórias para que a reserva de mercado no setor da informática praticada no Brasil, nos anos 70 e 80, seja hoje uma experiência ainda mais intensamente rejeitada do que considerada fracassada. A situação requer explicações mais complexas. Este artigo oferece uma nova explicação para o fracasso e a rejeição e também para um pouco conhecido sucesso da reserva de mercado, colocando em cena três fatores sociotécnicos específicos: o caráter especial da comunidade de profissionais brasileiros de informática, a intervenção do SNI (a polícia política da ditadura) e o advento dos microcomputadores. A imbricação desses fatores problematiza de uma nova forma os vínculos entre a reserva de mercado, o caráter autoritário do regime militar e os ideais do liberalismo democrático. A abordagem de inclinação sociotécnica aqui adotada divide o período em duas fases em que esses vínculos diferem radicalmente. Com surpresa, a primeira fase da reserva do mercado dos computadores no Brasil mostra uma afinidade não explorada entre as formas democráticas e a possibilidade de sucesso de políticas industriais para o desenvolvimento das ciências e das tecnologias nos países em desenvolvimento. Abstract Supplying the computer market with technically obsolete and high priced products plus the American pressure do not provide a satisfactory explanation for the fact that the market reserve practiced in Brazil in the 1980-90 is today even more intensely rejected than just taken as a failure. The situation requires more complex explanations. This paper offers a new explanation for the rejection and failure of the market reserve, and for its little known success as well, by means of three specific sociotechnical factors: the special character of the community of Brazilian computer professionals, the intervention of the political police of the military dictatorship (SNI), and the appearance of the microcomputer. This paper runs against the mainstream opinion that does not sufficiently problematizes the links between the market reserve, the authoritarian character of the military regime, and liberal democratic ideals. The sociotechnically inspired approach here adopted performs a division of the period into two phases where these links differ radically. Surprisingly, the first phase of the computer market reserve presents a frequently denied affinity between the democratic forms and the possibility of successful implementation of industrial and scientific policies seeking the development of sciences and technologies in developing countries.

The Armed Forces in Latin America: Potential for Changes in Political and Social Functions

1972 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 375-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manfred Kossok
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Functions ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Number Of Publications ◽  
The Military ◽  
Coups D'etat

At the beginning of this study of military dictatorship and the political role of the intellectuals in Latin America, Florestan Fernandes (1970: 1) makes the following statement: “The idea that Latin America is a region in which the coups d'état are a political routine has become a commonplace.” Without doubt, such an opinion is justified and also explains—at least to a certain extent—the wealth of “routine” verdicts on the function of the military in Latin America. A contradiction, however, seems evident at this point: while the number of publications on the political and social position of the armed forces is rapidly increasing (McAlister, 1966; Rouquié, 1969), there is an evident lack of comprehensive analyses that go beyond detailed description, and which explain in a reliable and sound manner the phenomenon of the cyclically increasing militarization of politics. It cannot be overlooked that research on the role of the military in Latin America is in a really critical situation which calls for a reexamination of the facts according to new criteria.

EL ORDEN POLáTICO SEGÚN LA DICTADURA CáVICO-MILITAR ARGENTINA 1976-1983

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (16) ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTA PHILP
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
The Core ◽  
Central Task ◽  
America Latina ◽  
The Military

Resumen: En el trabajo se analizan las intervenciones de los militares que gobernaron la Argentina  durante la dictadura cá­vico-militar en Argentina en el perá­odo 1976-1983, destinadas a lograr una  tarea central de todo régimen polá­tico: la justificación del poder. A partir de la exclusión de la  polá­tica, declamada pero no practicada, se apropiaron de distintos escenarios para construir maneras  de definir el orden polá­tico, nombrado como democracia sustancial, democracia de los mejores en  oposición a la demagogia, causa de su nueva irrupción en la historia polá­tica argentina el 24 de  marzo de 1976. La imperiosa necesidad de concluir con esta democracia desvirtuada era presentada  como eje de su tarea central: reorganizar la nación, tarea que originó su autodenominación como  ”Proceso de Reorganización Nacional”. Esta reconstrucción de los esfuerzos de los militares en el  poder para legitimar su accionar pretende aportar a la comprensión y explicación de las rupturas  institucionales en América Latina, seguidas de la instauración de gobiernos autoritarios.Palabras clave: Dictadura cá­vico-militar, Justificación del poder, Orden polá­tico.  THE POLITICAL ORDER ACCORDING TO THE ARGENTINE CIVIC-MILITARY DICTATORSHIP 1976-1983Abstract: The paper discusses the interventions by the military which ruled the Argentina during  the military dictatorship in Argentina during the 1976-1983, aimed at achieving a central task of any  political regime: the justification of power. From the exclusion of the policy, recited but not  practiced, they appropriated various scenarios to build ways to define the political order, named as  substantial democracy, democracy of the best as opposed to demagoguery, cause of the new  outbreak in Argentine political history on March 24, 1976. The urgent need to conclude with this  democracy undermined was presented as the core of its central task: reorganizing the nation, task  which originated its self-designation as "Proceso de Reorganización Nacional". This reconstruction  of the efforts of the military power to legitimize their actions intended to contribute to the  understanding and explanation of institutional ruptures in Latin America, followed by the  establishment of authoritarian governments.Keyswords: Civic-military dictatorship, Justification of the power, Political order.

scholarly journals FROM BRAZIL TO SWEDEN TO BRAZIL: GENDER TROUBLE IN FERNANDO GABEIRA

2018 ◽  
pp. 61-79
Author(s):  
Dario Borim Jr
Keyword(s):  
Rio De Janeiro ◽  
Minas Gerais ◽  
Sao Paulo ◽  
São Paulo ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Armed Resistance ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Gender Trouble ◽  
The Military ◽  
Formative Years

In light of Judith Butler’s insight, including her theories of gender trouble and performativity, this article investigates Brazilian journalist and activist Fernando Gabeira’s trajectory against machismo, homophobia, and gender presumptions. That trajectory spans his formative years, in Minas Gerais (1940s and 50s), the armed resistance to the military dictatorship. in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo (1960s), the activism during exile, mostly in Sweden (1970-1979), and another 35 years of sociopolitical engagement, after his return to Brazil. Key to this essay’s central inquiry are Gabeira’s thoughts and experiences in his O que é isso, companheiro? (1979), O crepúsculo do macho (1980), and Entradas e bandeiras (1981).

scholarly journals Role of Pakistan Peoples' Party in the Political Development in Pakistan. An Appraisal of Asif Ali Zardari Period (2008-2013)

2020 ◽  
Vol V (IV) ◽  
pp. 41-48
Author(s):  
Kausar Shafiq ◽  
Abdul Basit Khan ◽  
Ali Shan Shah
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Effective Manner ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
Do So

The denial of the institutionalization of political power by various civilian as well as martial law regimes has been a constant problem in Pakistan. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was the first person who could do so in an effective manner, but his eternal departure in the early phase of the history of Pakistan changed the entire course of the country, and the successor leadership had to pursue self-serving politics just to prolong their rule. The same is the case with the rule of General Pervaiz Musharraf (1999-2008), which converted the parliamentary system envisaged by the 1973 constitution of Pakistan into a quasi-presidential system just to prolong the military dictatorship. The subsequent rule of the Pakistan Peoples' Party (2008-2013) was a tough period for the political leadership since the preceding dictatorship had completely altered the socio-political landscape of the country; however, the political wisdom of Mr. Asif Ali Zardari helped the country to sail smoothly during the aftershocks of the martial law regime. In that perspective, the current study intends to analyze the political developments in Pakistan during the third rule of the Pakistan Peoples' Party over the country during the period 2008-2013.

scholarly journals The memory of brazilians and guyaneses about the rupununi uprising in the frontier Brazil – Guyana

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariana Cunha Pereira
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Political Event ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
The Social ◽  
Oral Speech ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Military

In this text, I re-elaborate the narratives and oral speech of some of the social subjects (Guyanese Negroes, Macushi Indigenous and Wapishana, regional Brazilians) about the Rupununi Uprising. The narratives and oral speech of the interviewees on the subject are partially constituted by the fieldwork that originated the Ethnography built as a doctorate thesis in the frontier Brazil-Guyana. The intention is to contextualize, by means of these narratives, the realms of memory that make up the political landscape of the 60s in these two countries, since the political event called Rupununi Uprising, characterized as one of the most polemic period in Guyana’s history. In Brazil, milestones of this decade were the military dictatorship and the leftist movements.In Guyana it is a moment of the process of independence and of secession fights.

Political Violence and the Liberation Movements: 1960–1990

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thula Simpson
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
Guerrilla Warfare ◽  
National Committee ◽  
External Feature ◽  
History Of ◽  
Armed Resistance ◽  
Liberation Movements ◽  
Resistance Movement ◽  
The Military

This chapter looks at the history of the armed struggles waged by South Africa’s liberation movements between 1960 and 1990. Among the organisations considered are the African National Congress (ANC), the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC), the National Committee of Liberation/Armed Resistance Movement (NCL/ARM), the Yu Chi Chan Club, and the Black Consciousness Movement, along with their military offshoots Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), Poqo, the Azanian People’s Liberation Army (APLA), the Azanian National Liberation Army (AZANLA) and others. The respective insurgencies are considered individually and comparatively, focusing on the tactical and strategic approaches adopted by the movements. The military methods employed by the organisations included sabotage, insurrection, guerrilla warfare and conventional conflict. The choices that they made regarding strategies and tactics were influenced by demographic, geographic, political and socio-economic considerations. But in addition to these South African factors, geopolitics also influenced the scope and intensity of armed resistance. This was because for the greater part of the period considered in the chapter, the organisations were movements-in-exile. Accordingly, their access to training, weapons, camps and infiltration routes was dependent on external goodwill. Operations within South Africa had to take cognisance of this external feature. The chapter concludes with a consideration of the process of the integration of the guerrilla armies into South Africa’s new national defence force after 1990.

scholarly journals O GOLPE DE 1964 E O REGIME DE 1968: ASPECTOS CONJUNTURAIS E VARIÁVEIS HISTÓRICAS

2004 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Adriano Nervo Codato
Keyword(s):  
Explanatory Variable ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Historical Process ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Political Problem ◽  
Particular Solution ◽  
The Military

O trabalho trata da evolução política do Brasil num período determinado de seu desenvolvimento. Discute-se o processo de conversão do “regime autoritário” no pós-1964 em regime ditatorial-militar no pós-1968. O objetivo do artigo é examinar a causa da edição do Ato Institucional n.º 5, logo, da vitória da extrema-direita militar, e, portanto, do fracasso político do movimento oposicionista nessa conjuntura. A questão central que informa a análise é a seguinte: é possível encontrar uma variável explicativa na interpretação desse processo histórico que dê conta do porquê da supremacia do “grupo palaciano” (a corrente ideológica militar então mais influente), e da sua solução para a crise do regime, bem como da derrota das “oposições”? O problema teórico de fundo aqui é o das determinações de um evento político, isto é, a articulação dos nexos causais que explicam determinado resultado histórico. São examinadas duas explicações correntes da literatura de Ciência Política e História Política e proposta uma terceira, que enfatiza, principalmente, variáveis de tipo ideológico. The 1964 Military Coup and the Regime of 1968: conjunctural aspects and historical variables Abstract This paper analyses Brazil’s political evolution during a specific moment. It discusses the processes of conversion of the post-1964 “authoritarian regime” to the post-1968 regime of military dictatorship. The article’s principal aim is to examine the reasons for the issuing of Institutional Act 5, which meant the victory of the military’s extreme right-wing and therefore the political defeat of opposition forces. The central issue informing the analysis is the question of whether it is possible to find an explanatory variable for the interpretation of this historical process that could account for the supremacy of the “grupo palaciano” (the most influential ideological current within the military corporation at that time) and their particular solution for the military crisis, as well as for the defeat of “opposition” forces. The underlying political problem here regards the factors that determine political events, that is, the articulation of causal links that can explain a particular historical result. Two common explanations in Political Science’s and Political History’s literature are explored and a third explanation is proposed, one that places particular emphasis on ideological variables.

Clausewitz, Die Politik, and the Political Purpose of Strategy

2021 ◽  
pp. 56-72
Author(s):  
Beatrice Heuser
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Military Policy ◽  
Political Purpose ◽  
Narrow Definition ◽  
Military Engagement ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
New Tradition

Clausewitz’s writings stand in two traditions. On the one hand, with his own very narrow definition of strategy, “Strategy is the use of the [military] engagement for the purpose of the war,” he continued a tradition that goes back to Paul-Gédéon Joly de Maizeroy and beyond him to Byzantine Emperor Leo VI. It is not least because of Clausewitz’s espousal of this tradition that this narrow definition still dominated Soviet thinking. On the other hand, Clausewitz stood in a new tradition reflecting on the relationship between a political purpose of the war itself. This goes back to Guibert, Kant, Rühle von Lilienstern but also a long-forgotten anonymous work probably written by Zanthier. This dwelt on the bureaucratic process of strategy-making in the interface between (politically dominated) foreign policy and (hardware- and means-dominated) military policy. It is ultimately to the latter tradition that we owe his reflections on the domination of political considerations captured in his famous line about war being the continuation of politics by other means. This in turn is the foundation on which most other reflections on grand strategy have been built.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document