Beyond Slavery: Abolition and Post-abolition in Brazil

Author(s):  
Hebe Mattos ◽  
Wlamyra Albuquerque

What happened after slavery in the first slave society of the Americas? How did the abolition process shape post-abolition Brazilian society? On September 28, 1871 the Lei do Ventre Livre (Free Womb Law) signaled the end for slavery in Brazil. It created, for the effects of the compensation of slave owners, a general registration of the last slaves, which shows that Brazil officially recognized around a million and a half of them in 1872. How did these last enslaved workers live and politically influence the legal process that resulted in their freedom? Certainly they did so, since between flights, negotiations, and conflicts, the number of slaves fell by half over the following years. In this process, conditional manumission letters became almost like labor contracts, the results of negotiations between slaves and slave owners which gave expectations of freedom to some and prolonged the exploitation of the labor of others. In 1887, abolition seemed inescapable. En masse flights of the last slaves made it a fact, recognized by law on May 13, 1888. How could social relations be reinvented after the collapse of the institution which had structured the country, in all its aspects, since colonization? This dismantling would have consequences that were not only economic but would also redesign the logic of power and the architecture of a society willing to maintain distinct types of citizenship. Old experiences of racism and citizenship were redefined in the process. Former slave owners fought for compensation for their lost property until Rui Barbosa, an old abolitionist and minister of finance of the first republican government, decided to burn the registration documentation in 1889, thereby preventing any compensation proposal for around seven hundred thirty thousand slaves freed by the abolition law. With the Republic (1889), a new racialized rhetoric narrated abolition as the product of the republican action of the “emancipating race,” which guaranteed freedom without conflict to the “emancipated race.” It thus made invisible not only the fundamental action of the last slaves, but also the demographically majoritarian status of the free Afro-descendants in the Brazilian population, evident in the action of numerous black abolitionists. For Afro-Brazilians, the struggle remained to define their place and rights in society. More recently, the political action of the Brazilian black movement in the commemorations of the centenary of abolition (1988) established the idea of incomplete abolition, defining May 13 as the date of the struggle against racial inequality in the country and consolidating the post-abolition period as a field of historiographic research.

2021 ◽  
pp. 002200942199789
Author(s):  
David A. Messenger

The bombardment of civilians from the air was a regular feature of the Spanish Civil War from 1936 to 1939. It is estimated some 15,000 Spaniards died as a result of air bombings during the Civil War, most civilians, and 11,000 were victims of bombing from the Francoist side that rebelled against the Republican government, supported by German and Italian aviation that joined the rebellion against the Republic. In Catalonia alone, some 1062 municipalities experienced aerial bombardments by the Francoist side of the civil war. In cities across Spain, municipal and regional authorities developed detailed plans for civilian defense in response to these air campaigns. In Barcelona, the municipality created the Junta Local de Defensa Passiva de Barcelona, to build bomb shelters, warn the public of bombings, and educate them on how to protect themselves against aerial bombardment. They mobilized civilians around the concept of ‘passive defense.’ This proactive response by civilians and local government to what they recognized as a war targeting them is an important and under-studied aspect of the Spanish Civil War.


2021 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-144
Author(s):  
Ermek B. Abdrasulov

This article examines the issues of differentiation of legislative and subordinate regulation of public relations. It is noted that in the process of law-making activities, including the legislative process, practical questions often arise about the competence of various state bodies to establish various legal norms and rules. These issues are related to the need to establish a clear legal meaning of the constitutional norms devoted to the definition of the subject of regulation of laws. In particular, there is a need to clarify the provisions of paragraph 3 of Article 61 of the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan in terms of the concepts "the most important public relations", "all other relations", "subsidiary legislation", as well as to establish the relationship between these concepts. Interpretation is also required by the provisions of p. 4 of Article 61 of the Constitution in terms of clarifying the question of whether the conclusion follows from mentioned provisions that all possible social relations in the Republic of Kazakhstan are subject to legal regulation, including those that are subject to other social and technical regulators (morality, national, business and professional traditions and customs, religion, standards, technical regulations, etc.). Answering the questions raised, the author emphasizes that the law and bylaws, as a rule, constitute a single system of legislation, performing the functions of primary and secondary acts. However, the secondary nature of subsidiary legislation does not mean that they regulate "unimportant" public relations. The law is essentially aimed at regulating all important social relations.


2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-71
Author(s):  
Jennifer R. Cash

Research on godparenthood has traditionally emphasized its stabilizing effect on social structure. This article, however, focuses attention on how the practices and discourses associated with marital sponsorship in the Republic of Moldova ascribe value to the risks and uncertainties of social life. Moldova has experienced substantial economic, social, and political upheaval during the past two decades of postsocialism, following a longer period of Soviet-era modernization, secularization, and rural–urban migration. In this context, godparenthood has not contributed to the long-term stability of class structure or social relations, but people continue to seek honor and social respect by taking the social and economic risks involved in sponsoring new marriages.


Temida ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-54
Author(s):  
Marissabell Skoric

The study deals with the issue of whether the norms of criminal law make a distinction between male and female sex with regard to the perpetrator of the criminal offence as well as with regard to the victim of the criminal offence and also the issue of whether male or female sex have any role in the criminal law. It is with this objective in mind that the author analyzed the provisions of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Croatia and statistical data on total crime in the Republic of Croatia and the relation between male and female perpetrators of criminal offences. The statistical data reveal that men commit a far greater number of offences than women. Apart from this, women and men also differ according to the type of the criminal offence they tend to commit. Women as perpetrators of criminal offences that involve the element of violence are very rare. At the same time, women are very often victims of violent offences perpetrated by men, which leads us to the term of gender-based violence. Although significant steps forward have been made at the normative level in the Republic of Croatia in defining and sanctioning of genderbased violence, gender stereotypes can still be observed in practice when sexual crimes are in question so that we can witness domestic violence on a daily basis. All of this leads to the conclusion that it is necessary to make further efforts in order to remove all obstacles that prevent changes in social relations and ensure equality between women and men, not only de jure but also de facto.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 47-54
Author(s):  
Valentin N. Goncharov ◽  
Victoriia N. Tisunova ◽  
Olga V. Drozniak

Introduction. Topical issues regarding the implementation of personnel policy in the government institutions of the Lugansk People’s Republic are presented and explored in the article. The analysis of the features of the personnel policy implementation at the present stage of development of social relations provides a basis for using relevant motivational measures to improve the effectiveness of personnel work.Materials and methods. In the research process, a complex of philosophical, general scientific and special methods and techniques was used, namely: critical and axiomatic method, method of analysis and synthesis, structural and functional method, abstraction; deduction and induction, statistical and econometric methods; general logical methods and techniques for forming scientific conclusions and research results.Results of the study. The analysis of the personnel policy implementation in public institutions in the Lugansk People’s Republic found that its coordination is carried out within the framework of the current legislation in order to improve the situation in the demographic, employment and labor market, education and science, health, culture and moral upbringing fields. However, in the process of implementing the main directions of the personnel policy, the features of the economic and political situation in the country at the present stage were not fully taken into account. Thus, in order to improve personnel work in the republic a list of systematic measures to increase motivation among public servants was proposed for use, taking into account existing realities.Discussion and conclusions. The study showed that in order to successfully carry out personnel work in the government of the republic, it is extremely important to justify the introduction of a system of non-material motivation for existing employees and the changes corresponding to modern realities in the process of selecting personnel as components of the implementation of personnel policies in government institutions of the Lugansk People’s Republic.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda Reeder

Providing a comprehensive history of Italy from around 1800 to the present, Italy in the Modern World traces the social and cultural transformations that defined the lives of Italians during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The book focuses on how social relations (class, gender and race), science and the arts shaped the political processes of unification, state building, fascism and the postwar world. Split up into four parts covering the making of Italy, the liberal state, war and fascism, and the republic, the text draws on secondary literature and primary sources in order to synthesize current historiographical debates and provide primary documents for classroom use. There are individual chapters on key topics, such as unification, Italians in the world, Italy in the world, science and the arts, fascism, the World Wars, the Cold War, and Italy in the twenty-first century, as well as a wealth of useful features for students, including: * Comprehensive bibliographic essays covering each of the four parts. * 23 images and 12 maps Italy in the Modern World also firmly places both the nation and its people in a wider global context through a distinctly transnational approach. It is essential reading for all students of modern Italian history.


Author(s):  
Stephen C. Ferguson

The biological fact of race and the social myth of racial inequality can be examined from a Marxist philosophical perspective. A materialist philosophical perspective on the social ontology of race, includes due consideration given to the material context of social relations of production and the State as an instrument of the ruling class. A Marxist analysis renders capitalism as context and determinate ground for the explanation of racism on a materialist basis. The result is that race and/or racism should not be posited theoretically as having an independent life and force of its own.


1977 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Collins

Why did large numbers of Northerners vote for the Democrats on the eve of the Civil War? This is a question which the most recent studies of Northern ante-bellum politics leave unanswered. Professor Formisano's pains-taking study of Michigan's party politics amply shows the eclectic character of the Republicans' appeal. Republicans combined a stern mixture of moral purpose and narrow puritanism with a powerful critique of the South. Republicanism emerges from Professor Foner's influential study as a species of stalwart, visionary parochialism quite irresistible to the northern electorate. It represented the self-satisfied affirmation that the proper maintenance of existing Protestant and entrepreneurial values in the socially harmonious North was essential to America's future growth. It also rested upon a belief in the need to resist Southern attempts to push slavery into the western territories. This belief stemmed from a defensive, slightly paranoid interpretation of the operation of federal politics. Congress and the federal administration in Democratic hands were, according to the Republicans, the merest tools of “ the Dominant Class in the Republic, ” the Southern slaveowners. Thus high faith in free society and deep fear of Southern expansion co-existed uneasily together. Republicans, in Eric Foner's view, articulated an ideology which merged together an over-arching notion of the good society (a basically non-class society, in which the ladder of status was short and its ascent easy, and in which the fundamental interests of labourers, farmers and small entrepreneurs were identical) with an immediate call to political action.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-279
Author(s):  
Sharron FitzGerald ◽  
Maggie O’Neill ◽  
Gillian Wylie

The Republic of Ireland is a good case study to highlight the problems associated with uncritical appeals to criminal law as the only appropriate tool to tackle demand and protect sex workers from harm. In 2017, the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act came into force in the Republic of Ireland (hereafter Ireland) making it a criminal offence to purchase sex in the jurisdiction. Ireland’s decision to introduce Swedish-style laws followed a protracted public campaign instigated in 2009 by the Irish and radical feminist inspired neo-abolitionist organisation, Turn off the Red Light. In this article, we confront and de-centre the Turn off the Red Light campaign’s hegemonic narrative that the criminal rather than social justice responses provide a more effective vehicle for sex workers’ empowerment. Undertaking our intervention in Irish feminist prostitution politics as a ‘politics of doing’ social justice through our separate and combined research, we extend our analysis by invoking Nancy Fraser and Barbara Hudson’s theoretical work on social and restorative justice. We wish to develop a theoretical framework that can serve as a roadmap for restorative social justice – the process of achieving rights, recognition and redistribution through relational, reflective and discursive interventions in sex work research, policy and practice. We argue that by ‘thinking’ sex workers’ positionality in social relations differently, the ‘doings’ of restorative social justice for sex workers can begin or take place.


1987 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 303-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Brigham

When political activists talk about strategy and when they address each other, legal forms are an integral part of their language. Some movements, like alternative dispute resolution, build on a general critique of the legal process. Others, like gay rights, seek to fulfill legal promises or, as in the feminist antipornography campaign, they present broadsides against the law's oppression. These ideas about law are not bound in standard law books; but they give meaning to social relations, and they must be understood as significant parts of the legal order. To attend to them is to illuminate a part of law's social reality and, more specifically, to see how law informs social action. Such ideas and the relations they create are lawinsociety.


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