scholarly journals The Strategic Obstacles Preventing Israel's Attack on Iran's Nuclear Reactors

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (33) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Jihad Aldeen Albadawi

The study analyzes the reasons that prevent "Israel" from launching a comprehensive military strike against the nuclear sites and other vital sites of a military nature in Iran, in light of the escalation of the indirect military confrontation between them in many conflicts in the Middle East. The study summarizes the "Israeli" risks to implementing "preventive war" on the Iranian scene in four obstacles, which are: the operational, the legal, the military, and the armed non-state actors. The study concluded that: despite the blockade imposed on Iran, especially with regard to the import of advanced military equipment, Iran was able to build a relative deterrent force consisting of three pillars, which rest on its ability to (1) threaten navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, (2) undertake terrorist attacks on multiple continents, and (3) conduct long-range strikes, primarily by missiles (or with rockets owned by proxies deployed in many countries of the Middle East, and its ability to target "Israel" with short and medium-range ballistic missiles. The Iranian deterrent force, or what has come to be called the Iran’s deterrence triad, was the real obstacle to Israel from launching a preventive war against Iran.

2013 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zaklina Spalevic ◽  
Zeljko Bjelajac ◽  
Dusko Dimitrijevic

The aim of this paper is to highlight the great social danger resulting from uncontrolled trade in arms and military equipment. A large number of terrorist attacks in the world show that uncontrolled arms trade is a growing problem for international security. In order to provide the same protection, the problem of uncontrolled arms and military equipment, which is the major international business, should be viewed from several aspects. To this end, after defining weapons, their production and trade, the authors have presented one of the ways the leading companies in the military-industrial complex provide themselves a market for sale of arms and military equipment, thus creating the conditions that contribute to expanding of their military companies. As the world?s largest exporters of arms and military equipment the United States, Russia and China give a short historical account of their arms trafficking. Then, considering the fact that the amount of weapons would unlikely diminish, the authors have pointed out that states should find a way to control the movement of weapons in the world preventing terrorist to take hold of them.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (8) ◽  
pp. 80-95
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the "strategic triangle" Russia-China-USA occupies an important place in the implementation of Russian aspirations in various regions of the world. The purpose of this article is to assess the impact of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia-China- US strategic triangle on the implementation of current Russian policy in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, the Middle East and other regions of the world. The paper examines the influence of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia- China-USA “strategic triangle”, proposes an approach to a comparative assessment of this influence, which allows identifying the priorities of Russian policy in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia-Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, on The Middle East and other regions of the world. A comparative assessment of the influence of the military component of the Russian Federation's policy in the Russia-China-USA “strategic triangle” can be used to substantiate recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country. The article concludes that the military component of Russian policy occupies a dominant position in the implementation of the current policy of the Russian Federation in the post-Soviet space, in the Asia- Pacific and Euro-Atlantic regions, in the Arctic, the Middle East and in other regions of the world.


Author(s):  
M. Sliusarenko ◽  
O. Semenenko ◽  
T. Akinina ◽  
O. Zaritsky ◽  
V. Ivanov

In the article, based on the analysis of the requirements for the readiness of weapons and military equipment during combat use and the reliability of their operation in the course of combat operations, it was discovered that one of the reasons that causes a discrepancy between the declared failures and real ones may be the incorrect choice and justification of the time distribution function up to the refusal of military means. As a rule, during the development of these tools, the function of distribution of time to failure is chosen by analogy with similar patterns of weapons and military equipment. In the theory of reliability, special attention is given to choosing the function of time-breaking non-response (failures or failures). Therefore, the article deals with the questions of evaluating the effectiveness of functioning of complex systems and methods of modeling the processes of their functioning, taking into account the laws of the distribution of random variables. The discrepancy between the declared irregularity of the military apparatus and the fact that is actually observed in the troops can be explained by the incorrectly accepted hypothesis about the distribution of time to failure. Therefore, the article analyzes the order of the justification of such a function without taking into account the enemy's fire impact and the proposed variant of determining the function of distribution of the time of work until the refusal of the model of military equipment. The article also cites the reasons for the discrepancy between the claimed missile defense equipment and what is actually observed in the troops. The proposed mathematical model of faultlessness, which at stages of designing and design will allow to set requirements to the model of technology with the help of analytical description. The sequence of calculations of non-failure indexes based on the use of Weibull distribution is substantiated.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (9) ◽  
pp. 4298
Author(s):  
Alissa Kain ◽  
Douglas L. Van Bossuyt ◽  
Anthony Pollman

Military bases perform important national security missions. In order to perform these missions, specific electrical energy loads must have continuous, uninterrupted power even during terrorist attacks, adversary action, natural disasters, and other threats of specific interest to the military. While many global military bases have established microgrids that can maintain base operations and power critical loads during grid disconnect events where outside power is unavailable, many potential threats can cause microgrids to fail and shed critical loads. Nanogrids are of specific interest because they have the potential to protect individual critical loads in the event of microgrid failure. We present a systems engineering methodology that analyzes potential nanogrid configurations to understand which configurations may improve energy resilience and by how much for critical loads from a national security perspective. This then allows targeted deployment of nanogrids within existing microgrid infrastructures. A case study of a small military base with an existing microgrid is presented to demonstrate the potential of the methodology to help base energy managers understand which options are preferable and justify implementing nanogrids to improve energy resilience.


1961 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 326-329 ◽  

The Ministerial Council of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) held its eleventh annual ministerial review at NATO headquarters in Paris from December 16 to 18, 1960. The main topic of discussion at the meeting was the announcement by United States Secretary of State Christian Herter of what he reportedly termed a new concept for the operation of medium-range ballistic missiles. The United States plan included: 1) a proposal that NATO discuss a multilateral system for the political control of the weapons; 2) an offer to place five ballistic missile submarines armed with 80 Polaris missiles under the command of the Supreme Allied Commander, Europe (SACEUR), by the end of 1963; and 3) a suggestion that the other members of the alliance contribute approximately 100 more medium-range ballistic missiles by purchasing them in the United States. The press reported that Lord Home, Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom, welcomed the United States proposal and said that NATO should examine the possibility of a medium-range ballistic missile force under multilateral control, a suggestion in which M. Couve de Murville, the French Foreign Minister, concurred. The West German Defense Minister, Franz Joseph Strauss, told the Ministers, the press announced, that concrete decisions on the United States proposal should be taken in the near future, and that plans for NATO control of the Polaris missile force should be pushed through by military and political authorities early in the spring of 1961. The Council of Ministers decided to pass on to its Permanent Comand other related materials, according to the press.


Author(s):  
L. L. FITUNI

The article is an attempt to predict the main trends of the political, cultural and ideological development of the Middle East in the  medium and long term, taking into account the impact of  international terrorism. To provide optimal solutions possible the  author identifies a number of core components. Basing this selection  he offers his vision of the likely behaviour of key state and non-state  actors as well as the forthcoming fate of the objects of their attention. In preparing the scenarios, the main methods of  predictive analytics were used: statistical analysis, intellectual  analysis of data, analysis of patterns and models conducted within  the framework of the Russian Foundation for Basic Research project  “The Phenomenon of the Islamic State” in the context of the development of a modern Eastern society. “The article is based  on an interpretation of the main conclusions and results of using those methods and methodologies. The article asserts that the recent growth of radical Islam in the East and political populism  in the West are close root causes. Despite all the differences in the  rhetoric and the outward forms, they represent a defensive response  on the part of those segments of Eastern and  Western societies that have failed to adjust to rigid paradigms of  globalization. Intra- and inter-confessional conflicts may become the  prevailing form of military threats in the region, beginning around  the 2020s. Their heralds are already visible in conflicts in Iraq, Syria, Yemen and, to a lesser extent, in Lebanon, Bahrain and on the east  coast of the Arabian Peninsula. Interstate Shiite-Sunni contradictions have so far been limited by political-ideological  confrontation and diplomatic demarches, sometimes accompanied by various embargoes, such as the recent Qatar crisis. Even the physical destruction of the selfproclaimed Islamic pseudo-state in MENA will take some time. Under favorable circumstances, ISIS units may be squeezed out of the important settlements of Syria and Iraq  within a year. This will not mean the end of ISIS. The experience of  the war with terrorist groups in Libya, Algeria, West Africa, Somalia,  Afghanistan, and Southeast Asia shows that even when driven out  into the desert or sparsely populated areas, fragmented but linked  groups of terrorists continue for quite some time to inflict harassing attacks on government forces and objects, to make long  sorties and to arrange spectacular acts of terrorism. Most likely, the  forces interested in maintaining the problems of international terrorism high on the agenda will not sit idly by but will  undertake spectacular and noteworthy actions to keep terrorism  issues in the limelight. As a result, the intensity of terrorist attacks in  the West may increase, since even limited terrorist attacks in  Europe cause more media coverage in the world media than any acts of terrorism in the Middle East. To achieve these goals, new channels and forms of imple mentation of terrorist attacks will  be used, such as terrorist acts involving children, ordinary means of  transport, during the course of mass and symbolic political events, elections, etc.


Author(s):  
İlkin MİKAYILOV

This article’s main argument is that after failure of ‘zero problems with neighbours’ oriented foreign policy Turkey is experiencing the transformation of foreign policy and more focusing towards the regions which were ignored before. After Arab Spring, especially after the Syrian Crisis, it has been observed that ‘zero problem with neighbours’ oriented foreign policy became ineffective and lost its effect in the Middle East. However, this does not mean that Turkey’s foreign policy loses its assertiveness. After assertive policies towards Middle East and Mediterranean areas, Turkey’s assertive foreign policy shifted towards new regions, which are historically, have less confrontation with Turkey and has positive trends against Turkey such as Caucasus and Central Asia. In this context, while the relations with the Turkic Council were deepened, the policy towards this region became clear with the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. During the Second Nagorno- Karabakh War Turkey gave strong support to Azerbaıjan both in term of rhetoric and military support as well based on Turkish drones and other Turkish made military equipment which shows the assertiveness of Turkey. The development of the Turkic Council’s member countries both politically and economically made organization an important regional actor. Thus, Turkic Council become an important tool for Turkish foreign policy in terms of assertiveness. Turkey’s assertive foreign policy will increase which is the in compliance with the Turkey’s national security. Also for region countries, it is important that Turkey put weight on region, which is crucial for Turkish foreign policy. Keywords: Assertiveness, Caucasus, Turkish Foreign Policy, Turkic Council.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (Oktober) ◽  
pp. 22-28
Author(s):  
Arif Setiawan ◽  
Dedy Pradigdo ◽  
Farid Hendro Wibowo

Combat technology in the military world has undergone a very rapid development in both close combat and long-range combat. Long-range combat is identical to a rocket weapon where the rocket works because of the presence of an igniter that serves to burn the propellant so that when the propellant burns it will produce pressure that will push the rocket hurtling towards a predetermined target. Igniter is very important in the launch of rockets where the filling of the igniter is black powder that has been difficult to obtain because of the difficult manufacturing process and risk of explosion. This research aims to design a tool that can produce black powder with a large enough capacity and good quality and reduce the risk of explosions to support the manufacture of igniters for rocket launches, especially those owned by Indonesian Army. This research used pure experimental quantitative method with empirical calculations to obtain tools with the desired specifications. The results obtained after the calculation are the volume of octagonal prism tubes 2942.5 cm3, the total volume of steel balls with two size variations is 979.5 cm3, the maximum lendutan that occurs on the shaft of the player is 0.108 mm, so it is said to be safe.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document