scholarly journals Factors and determinants of political participation of ethnic groups

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (Extra-C) ◽  
pp. 69-74
Author(s):  
Azat Fazulov ◽  
Aidar Zakirov

This article discusses the problem of identifying factors and determinants of the political participation of ethnic groups in politics. Some people see political participation as an activity by which individuals try to influence the government through ethnic groups to carry out the actions they want. Others believe that the engine of political activity is an individual's need for internal improvement when political participation contributes to its full functioning in the life of the State and gives it a sense of involvement in political processes. A comprehensive approach to determining the essence of political participation by ethnic groups is justified, according to which the institution of political participation is a multifaceted socio-cultural phenomenon that affects many aspects of the socio-political dynamics of modern society. According to this approach, political participation is also manifested in democratic and undemocratic political regimes; at the same time, the trigger for political mobilization may be not only the impact of political leaders, but also their own need for people to participate actively in political processes.    

Author(s):  
Mahesh K. M. ◽  
P. S. Aithal ◽  
Sharma K. R. S.

Purpose: The foremost intent of this research article is to create awareness about various schemes for the productive sector of agriculture. Through this study, the level of performance of these agricultural schemes and programmes were analysed that will be helpful for the attainment of financial inclusion. Hence it is necessary to know about various schemes and their making to connect the beneficiaries. Agriculture is the basic source of food supply, production, processing, promotion and distribution. Agricultural products contribute to Gross Domestic Product (G.D.P.) and generate employment in rural areas. They transform the lives of the farmers in modern society. The government of India has introduced Minimum Support Price (MPS), MIF, PMKSY, PMFBY, e-NAM, PM-KISAN, PMJDY, PM-KUSUM, PKVY, NAMS, and MGNREGS. The mobile app KisanSuvidha and innovative programmes like Kisan Rail, KrishiUdaan double the farmers’ Income (DFI). These help in transforming village economy, coverage of irrigation, crop insurance, and stabilizing the income. They also ensure financial support, flow of credit and Direct Benefit transfer of subsidies and funds to beneficiaries. Adopting modern technology, farm-based activity, poultry, dairy, forestry, beekeeping and with the support of SHGs which will directly impact productivity, profitability, financial inclusion, and the welfare of farmers in the 21st century and development of the country’s economy. Design/ methodology/approaches: This study is all about the theoretical concepts based on analysis of various schemes and interconnect. Findings and results: This study reveals that the effectiveness of various agricultural programs and also identifies the benefits and beneficiaries of these schemes. Under this research, various financial services, subsidies, funds released, online platform for agricultural products, funds for micro-irrigation, and so on benefits provided by the government of India were studied. Originality/value: Analysed the various schemes and compelled its beneficiaries and develop a modern to achieve financial inclusion and economic growth through the study. Type of Paper: Research Analysis.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-131
Author(s):  
Indra Budi Jaya

Islam as a religion wants its people to always maintain a balance between religiosity (al din) and worldly problems (al dunya). The relationship between the two describes something that is separate but inseparable (harmony). However, for modern society, this condition often creates contradictions, this condition was seen at the time of the Covid 19 pandemic. The implementation of Large-Scale Social Restrictions by the government in an effort to overcome the spread of the impact of Covid 19 to the community by limiting activities in mosques and allowing activities in the market to continue in fact responded by the community differently. The methodology used is qualitative by using social policy analysis. This paper tries to examine social policies towards the application of large-scale social restrictions on mosques and markets. In this paper, the sociology of law theory is used, namely Law is a social engineering tool which emphasizes that law becomes the commander who must bring change to society. The results obtained in the research are that the community responds to the large-scale social restriction policy differently, where the purpose of the policy is for the community to be expected to make changes by complying with the rules that have been set by the government, the conditions for rejection and various responses are caused by disharmony between implementation of policies with public awareness of the law.Keyword : Policy, large-Scale Restrictions and the sociology of law. AbstrakIslam sebagai agama mengkhendaki umatnya agar senantiasa menjaga keseimbangan antara religiusitas (al din) dan masalah keduniaan (al dunia). Hubungan keduanya menggambarkan sesuatu yang terpisah namun tidak bisa dipisahkan (harmoni). Namun bagi masyarakat modern kondisi tersebut seringkali justru menimbulkan pertentangan, kondisi tersebut nampak pada saat terjadinya pandemi Covid 19. Penerapan Pembatasan Sosial Berskala Besar oleh pemerintah dalam upaya penanggulangan penyebaran dampak Covid 19 kepada masyarakat dengan membatasi aktivitas di masjid dan membiarkan kegiatan di pasar tetap berjalan nyatanya direspon oleh masyarakat secara berbeda. Metodologi yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan menggunakan analisis kebijakan sosial, Tulisan ini mencoba menelaah kebijakan sosial terhadap penerapan pembatasan sosial berskala besar terhadap masjid dan pasar. Dalam penulisan ini dipergunakan teori sosiologi hukum yaitu Law is a tool social engineering yang menegaskan bahwa hukum menjadi panglima yang harus membawa perubahan terhadap masyarakat. Hasil yang diperoleh dalam penelitian adalah Masyarakat merespon kebijakan pembatasan sosial berskala besar tersebut secara berbeda, dimana tujuan kebijakan tersebut adalah untuk masyarakat diharapkan dapat melakukan perubahan dengan mematuhi aturan yang telah di tetapkan oleh pemerintah, kondisi penolakan dan respon beragam tersebut di sebabkan oleh ketidak harmonisannya antara penerapan kebijakan dengan kesadaran masyarakat terhadap hukum.Kata Kunci : Kebijakan,  Pembatasan Sosial Berskala Besar dan Sosiologi Hukum


Author(s):  
Maria V. BATYREVA ◽  
Egine A. KARAGULYAN

In recent decades, the forms of social and political participation and interaction between authorities and citizens have expanded due to the development of modern information and communication technologies. According to most scientists, modern technologies will allow citizens to be heard by the authorities, as well as to actively participate in social and political processes. At the same time, the level of demand and the real use of smart technologies by citizens for socio-political activity, in our opinion, largely depend on the level of their information competence and civic-mindedness. The purpose of this study is to assess the demand, analyze the nature and purpose of the use of modern digital services for social and political activity of the residents of the Tyumen region. The article is based on the sociological study conducted in the summer of 2021 through a questionnaire survey of the residents of cities and rural municipal districts in the south of the Tyumen region. The article presents the results of a study on the level of digital competence of the region’s residents, their awareness of the existing “smart” technologies in the country and the region to manifest socio-political activity, as well as the demand for these technologies. The article also presents an analysis of the purpose of the use of electronic services and the specific nature of these forms of interaction between the authority and the population (political, non-political). It was found out that electronic resources are used by 40% of the population to express their civic-mindedness, and they are more often used by respondents with a higher level of information competence. Most residents of the region are at lower levels of political participation, their interaction with the authorities is mainly limited to information sharing. The share of the population with a higher level of participation is small and is represented by members of political parties and public organizations.


Author(s):  
Roman Pyrma

The study contributes to defining the impact of digital communication on civic and political participation, explaining how social media mediate public activism. Based on the concept of the ‘digital citizenship’ the paper reveals the political aspect of the public activism of Russian youth online. The empirical model is based on a combination of methods and procedures of applied research in order to reveal the details of civil and political participation, and protest activism of youth online. The research model includes analysis of social media and a large-scale online survey of the younger audience. Based on the analysis of social media information flows, the paper states the prevalence of the youth’s civic participation over political participation, as well as the fact that the dynamics of social activity depend on the events and the current agenda. The authors describe the level of civic and political activity of youth online based on sociological data. They also divide the audience of the protest theatre according to the following models: leaders, activists, followers, and spectators. In general, the study reveals the status and details of the younger generation’s communication activity online, where communities establish and implications of linking actions appear.


Author(s):  
Blaise Ngambinzoni Kombeto ◽  
Romain Bakola Dzango ◽  
Modeste Ndaba Modeawi ◽  
Gédéon Bongo Ngiala ◽  
Muhammad Ridwan ◽  
...  

Marcel SONY LabouTansi, the author of the novel "The Shameful State", denounces the dictatorial system often practiced by most African leaders in the management of the "res publica". He paints the barbarity of man in relation to his fellow man. It also presents the duality between the traditional society characterized by democracy, peace ... and the modern society based on dictatorship in which the government behaves as a state, as absolute master, and the governed in the eternal "- mute", "voiceless". It invites the recipients to renounce to the bad principle in order to establish democracy, a system that respects the individual freedom of the people, that of human rights, of professional promotion for the harmonious development of a sovereign and democratic State. The novel "The Shameful State" unfolds the spiral of the unpleasant reign of a megalomaniacal, criminal and lustful president, Colonel Martillimi Lopez, who "shamefully" manages power and ends with the crying and gnashing of his constituents' teeth. After having committed: pedophilia, adultery, assassination of opponents, he was deposed by his relatives who created an insurrection and was forced to hand over power to civilians to return to his native village.


2021 ◽  
pp. 22-31
Author(s):  
Isakova Ye.P.

Studying language education in the preschool sector of a country, which is multinational and has a high quality education system, is useful in terms of implementing effective and proven means of updating and optimizing of domestic preschool education. The purpose of the article is to study and analyze Singapore’s language policy and ways of its implementation in the country’s preschool education sector. Methods. The work is based on the methodological principles of scientificity, objectivity and integrity. The research is based on such methods of scientific researches as the analysis of scientific literature and normative documents, synthesis, comparison, generalization and systematization of the received data.Research results. The main directions of the state activity on providing bilingual education in the preschool sector of Singapore, as well as unification and regulation of the functioning of Singapore’s preschool educational institutions in the field of language education are studied. It was found that the conceptual framework “Nurturing early learners”, proposed by the Ministry of Education of Singapore, allowed creating a single conceptual and methodological basis for the development of curricula in each individual preschool institution. Another focus of the Singaporean government has been turned to reducing the impact of English and Chinese dominance in the country’s preschool sector and to increasing the number of Malay and Tamil language programs in preschools for ensuring equal access to language education for all Singaporean ethnic groups by opening new kindergartens with an offer to study English and three native languages (optional).Conclusions. It was determined that the country’s bilingual policy was implemented with the pragmatic goal of uniting a multinational society and achieving economic growth, on the one hand, and preserving the national heritage, culture and traditions of the ethnic groups living in Singapore, on the other. Despite the private nature of Singapore’s pre-school education sector, the government is actively involved in regulating it, including language education, ensuring the principle of meritocracy by meeting the needs of all ethnic groups in language education at the pre-school level.Key words: language policy, language education, bilingualism, preschool education, English, native lan-guage, educational process. Дослідження особливостей мовної освіти в дошкільному секторі країни, яка є мультинаціональ-ною за складом населення і має високоякісну освітню систему, є корисним з точки зору запроваджен-ня ефективних та апробованих засобів оновлення та оптимізації вітчизняної дошкільної освіти. Мета статті полягає у вивченні та аналізі мовної політики Сінгапуру й засобів її реалізації в дошкільному секторі освіти країни. Методи. Робота ґрунтується на методологічних принципах науковості, об’єктив-ності та цілісності. В процесі дослідження застосовувалися такі методи наукових досліджень, як ана-ліз наукової літератури і нормативних документів, синтез, порівняння, узагальнення й систематизація отриманих даних.Результати дослідження. Простежено основні напрями діяльності держави із забезпечення білінгвальної освіти в дошкільному секторі Сінгапуру, а також уніфікації та регулювання діяльності закладів дошкільної освіти Сінгапуру у сфері мовної освіти. Встановлено, що запропонована Мініс-терством освіти Сінгапуру концептуальна рамка «Виховання дітей раннього віку» дала змогу створити єдину концептуальну й методологічну базу для розроблення навчальних програм в окремих закладах дошкільної освіти. Іншим напрямом діяльності уряду Сінгапуру стало зменшення наслідків домінуван-ня англійської та китайської мов у дошкільному секторі країни, збільшення кількості програм вивчен-ня малайської і тамільської мов у дошкільних закладах освіти задля забезпечення рівного доступу до мовної освіти для представників усіх етносів Сінгапуру за рахунок відкриття нових дитячих садочків із пропозицією вивчення англійської мови та трьох рідних мов на вибір.Висновки. Визначено, що білінгвальна політика країни запроваджена з прагматичною метою об’єд-нання багатонаціонального суспільства й досягнення економічного росту, з одного боку, та збережен-ня національної спадщини, культури й традицій етносів, які проживають у Сінгапурі, з іншого боку. Незважаючи на приватний характер дошкільного сектору освіти, уряд країни бере активну участь у його регулюванні та спрямовує свої зусилля на забезпечення потреб усіх етнічних груп населення в мовній освіті.Ключові слова: мовна політика, мовна освіта, білінгвізм, дошкільна освіта, англійська мова, рідна мова, навчальний процес.


Communicology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-77
Author(s):  
V. V. Stetsenko

The article represents the topical trends in contemporary Russian political discourse. The author proceeds from the thesis about the strengthening of the importance of the cultural component of state policy in relation to the education of young people, the reproduction of the political elite, as well as the building of communicative influences between the elite and the people. The article provides an overview of the legal framework of sources within the framework of the research area under consideration. In particular, the article analyzes changes in the field of constitutional legislation, as well as new law-making initiatives in the context of the discussion and adoption of the Laws on Culture and Youth Policy. Significant research platforms are highlighted that accentuate the problems of cultural policy, in the aspects of forming the foundations of the traditional cultural and civilizational identity of youth, as well as the reproduction and improvement of the quality of human capital in the field of training management personnel. Within the framework of the article, the phenomenon of cultural enlightenment is positioned as a promising direction of cultural policy, which is very relevant from the point of view of solving the problems being analyzed. The concept of «cultural imperative» is put forward, designed to become one of the «catalysts» of the process of value-semantic formation of the political elite. The methodological basis of the study was interpretive and empirical methods of studying the impact of state cultural policy, including cultural enlightenment, on the political outlook and socialization of young people, as well as the study of youth as a subject of political relations, its place and role in the political processes of the Russian state, development strategies civic and patriotic activity of young people in a modern society subject to globalization and informatization. In our research, we turned to an interdisciplinary method, in particular, we use the research techniques of sociology in the framework of monitoring on key research issues. As the results of the research, the author proposes projects of optional courses and retraining courses aimed at enriching the system of training the future political elite with value-semantic content through the tools of cultural enlightenment.


2011 ◽  
pp. 129-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian S. Krueger

While more is probably known about the causes of political participation than any other political behavior, the research program suffers in that it generally assumes citizens operate within an unproblematic surveillance context. This chapter argues that the growing use of the Internet for political participation and the government’s expanded electronic surveillance capacities make this assumption increasingly dubious. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s insights concerning surveillance and resistance, I develop empirical hypotheses related to surveillance and Internet political participation. Testing these hypotheses using data derived from a unique probability sample survey of U.S. Internet users, surveillance is shown to influence online political activity. Those who oppose the current administration, and who perceive the government monitors their Internet behavior, participate in politics online at the highest rates. Next, I test whether perceptions of online surveillance lead to a similar higher probability of conventional offline political activity. The results suggest that for those opposed to the regime’s policies, online surveillance increases the likelihood of engagement in offline political participation.


Discourse ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 98-111
Author(s):  
V. A. Egorov ◽  
V. P. Miletskiy

Introduction. The problem of corruption has acquired a particular importance in light of ubiquitous corruption scandals, entangling both developing and developed countries. Currently, a number of often contradicting hypotheses has been posed on the ways corrupt practices impact protest potential of a society and stability of a political system, as well as on the role of anti-corruption policy in the alleviation of such impact. This article aims to survey and compare different researches analyzing the impact of corruption and anti-corruption policies on different aspects of modern Russian society; in particular, their impact on protest potential and political stability. The author’s hypothesis lies within the assumption that The System anti-corruption policy, which is a prioritized instrument for political and administrative activities of state and municipal authorities in the prevention of corrupt practices, significantly reduces the extent of protest potential and facilitates political stability in a society.Methodology and sources. Methodological basis of this article is a multiparadigm approach to studying the phenomenon of corruption. As part of this research, a raft of empirical research conducted by domestic and foreign authors has been analyzed (E. M. Uslaner, P. Heywood, J. Rose et al.). Authors also use the results of an internet survey conducted with 580 participants (predominantly students of Russian universities) in 2020. The respondents were self-selected, convenience sampling. Manifold research and sociological surveys demonstrate the difficulty of generalizing the results.Results and discussion. Substantial amount of empirical data reflects an adverse effect of corrupt practices on the livelihood of a modern society. These practices entail the decrease in GDP growth rates, avert domestic and foreign investments, amplify social and economic inequality, decrease tax revenue and lead to social welfare underfunding. It ultimately results in the lack of public trust towards state institutions as well as the decrease of generalized trust. Even though there is a positive correlation between endemic corruption and political volatility, the results of other research cast doubt on the extent to which corruption may influence economic development and political stability.Conclusion. In general, the conducted research has allowed for the inference that the prevalence of corrupt practices may either amplify social instability and increase the protest potential or it may have no influence at all on political activity of a society and stability of political regime. At the same time, the implementation of anti-corruption policies by the authorities significantly reduces the level of protest potential and fosters political stability.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (6 (104)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Sergey Kozlov

The article examines the problem of political participation in the digital environment on the example of protest activity observing in Belarus. It is shown that modern Internet technologies make it easy to combine new forms of civic activism with offline practices through social media and Telegram channels. It is argued that social networks and Internet activism in general indirectly form the political agenda and are significant factors in the creation of public reflection on political processes. New forms of civil interaction have appeared in digital reality, which were impossible without online technologies, and before the surge of protest activity in the post-Soviet space were considered insignificant quasi-political participation of the minority. Whole communicative autonomous systems created in social networks and messenger applications allow political activity bypassing traditional rules and frameworks, which, according to the author, is nothing more than a qualitative transformation and complication of political participation, both structurally and in scale. The Belarusian format of the protest showed that in the current conditions the success of a political campaign may not be due to clear coordination and competent management emanating from the core of protest. Analyzing political cases, it is concluded that modern protest practices, decentralized formed in the network, in an offline manifestation are very mobile and do not require significant expenditure of forces and resources. In conclusion, the author concludes that political participation in Belarus, conditioned by Internet resources and advanced technologies, from 2020 to 2021 acquired the features of a conventional active opposition political movement, although historically, political absenteeism prevailed in the country's civil society. Thus, the events in Belarus under consideration are unique and are a sign of more global modern transformations of politics.


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