scholarly journals Concepts People and Power in Russian and Spanish Electoral Discourse

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-120
Author(s):  
I. V. Smirnova

Political communication becomes particularly intense in the pre-election period. Democracy  receives criticism aimed to protect the interests of citizens. It is political parties that are responsible for a constructive discussion of their positions and motivating citizens to participate in the election campaign. Te electoral language is usually an emotional, connotative language, which resonates with citizens. Political electoral discourse is characterized by certain basic concepts, such as “politics”, “election”, “electoral programs”, “electorate”, “people”, “power” and others. “People” and “power” are the key ones, since they reflect the features of political process and are inextricably linked to each other during all electoral period. Tis article focuses on the study of the people / power opposition in the Russian and Spanish electoral discourse and identifes conceptual structures and signs of these concepts.

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron T. Walter

Abstract The dynamics of political campaigning is as unique as the people and party platforms that inhabit the campaign period. The progress of certain political personalities or of political parties themselves insure a positivity to the political process in contrast to statism. Not all change is welcome surely, but the fact that such activity occurs within pluralist democracy is a sign of vitality in both practice and principle. One such change in recent political campaigns has been the increased popularity of candidates and parties espousing populist platforms and rhetoric. While in the United States, such represented interest is historically based from the late nineteenth century, in Slovakia it is more recent, but no less significant in its historical roots. In the following paper the methodology of a comparative analysis is employed to investigate populism within the United States and Slovakia while utilizing the theoretical context of neoclassical realism that has populism in the national context: personalization of politics, catch-all policies, media centricity, professionalization and political marketing.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-98
Author(s):  
Pipin Hanapiah

Each political party will be changed because it is determined by its internal and external factors. The changes are ongoing at their political process and mechanism, towards their objective and gives an impact to environment both to internally and externally. The change occured on Golkar’s structures and political changes in facing national reformation movement. Research affords to describe the changes that have been going on, through external dan internal determinants, process and mechanism, as well as the objective and impact. The research object is Golkar’s structures and political interaction that changed at the Golkar party in Bandung. The research used political sociology studies, qualitative approach, and descriptive methods. Meanwhile, the techniques of collecting data used document, literature, observation, and in-depth interview with using resource triangulation. The result of research showed Golkar faces process and mechanism changes, particularly about political structures and interaction. It determined by external (national reformation movement) and internal (democracy demand) factors. It leads to objective (adapting, modernizing, democratic, and decentralization) and impacts (to the Indonesian armed forces retired members and the civil servant and also the people to make and manage new political parties). To modernize its structure and political interaction, Golkar in Bandung should be continue the commitment, consistency, and adaptation to the nation development and dynamic of the region in Bandung.


2018 ◽  
Vol 167 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Walter ◽  
Zareh Ghazarian

Political communication and citizen engagement have been impacted by crises in both political parties and conventional media models. This article contends that the confluence of these crises has been insufficiently understood, and that this lack of understanding depends upon a third element: the dissolution of a ‘holding culture’, a sense of the ‘rules of the game’ that has constituted the ground on which parties and the media operated and generated the imaginative space for constituting community. This dissolution might be represented as resistance to a now discredited political class, once constituted by ‘old’ political and media elites, and promising a new culture – with the potential for parties to be more responsive to ‘the people’, and for a more diversified and representative media. By looking at case studies of leadership insurgency in parties and the impact of new media in creating the discursive conditions for their emergence, this article explores the realities in relation to political communication and democratic engagement.


2011 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rens Vliegenthart

This article provides an analysis of Dutch election posters in the period from 1946 to 2006. Based on the literature on the professionalization of political communication, several hypotheses are formulated regarding changes in textual and visual elements of those posters. These hypotheses focus on over-time changes in the presence and prominence of the party leader and party logo’s as well as references to specific political issues and ideology in these posters. In total, 225 posters for 23 parties in 19 elections are analyzed. Results reveal that changes in visual elements are in line with the hypotheses, with an increased use of party logo, an increasing presence and prominence of the party leader, and a decreasing focus on ideology. The textual parts of the posters, however, show no or opposite trends. The results call for a more nuanced scientific treatment of the consequences of the professionalization of political communication and demonstrate the necessity to analyze both visual and textual elements of political parties’ communication.


Al'Adalah ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Muhamad Farhan

is one of the countries that embraces the system of democratic government. In a democratic state the people have sovereignty, this is done to ascertain who deserves to be a leader. The Party is an organization that represents the people and means of public participation to participate. Electoral parties compete for leadership seats (power) by strategizing to win them. Elections (elections) is the process of electing people to fill positions within government. The positions are diverse, ranging from the President, People's Representatives at various levels of government, to the Village Head. Elections as a means to participate in the people persuasively (not forced) to the government, so as to realize the principles of democracy in the implementation. Election is a means for political parties to place their cadres in strategic positions in government either executive (President, Governor, Regent, Mayor, etc.) or legislative (Regency, Provincial and Central DPRD) to seize power, not to mention Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) Jember district in the face of elections East Java area. various pilitical communication strategies are used to hook as many constituens for the achievment of goals. The formulation of the problem in this Thesis is: How is the communication strategy of the Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) of Jember Regency ahead of the election of General Head of Region (Pemilukada) of East Java 2018. The purpose of this research is to describe the communication strategy used by the Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) of Jember Regency ahead of the elections of Regional Head (Pemilukada) of East Java 2018 to get the constituents from Jember society which is quite diverse. This research use desciptive qualitative approach. With data collection method of observation and documentation. The research concludes that the Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) of Jember Regency divides its political communication strategy according to age ie political communication among young people and political communication among parents. Political communication among youth is done through the program of open together, coffee with PKB Jember, and halal bihalal. Whereas political communication among parents is implemented through the program of maintaining and maintaining the intensity of communication with leaders of both structural figures such as senior officials of an institution or mass organization or culture such as public figure.


The consolidation of local democracy will be realized well if the political information provided by the electoral institutions and political institution through political communication can encourage people to get a 'nutrition' receive political information, so they can learn about politics. Political information in simultaneosly election is part of candidate “candidates pair” a Mayor Cimahi City can do political communication for competing to provide on political information about prospective policy choice that will be submitter later. When the political information of the citizen is fulfilled, the citizen can choose with a large responsibility and rationally to choose leader in their area, based on considerations that the common benefit of the people themselves. In 2017 is a political year for 101 regions that held the head simultaneous elections (Pilkada) throughout in Indonesia. There are 7 Provinces, 76 District and 18 Cities that participate in the simultaneous elections. One of the 18 cities that held the elections was Cimahi City. Cimahi City has a permanent voter list of 375,722 people who use its sovereignty to elect a Mayor candidate who will lead the region for the next 5 years. In the party of democracy, it is fundamental that political information becomes a reinforcement in political cognition that will be implemented in the space of political participation itself. Political education is an obligation for political organizers, especially for the General Election Commision (KPU) Cimahi City and Political Parties to provide political information to the public.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Desriadi Desriadi

Abstract Individual candidacy in local elections is expected to produce more aspirational, qualified, and strongly committed regional leaders. Individual candidates in the Regional Head Election are also an alternative to accommodate the human rights of every Indonesian Citizen who does not run through a political party. The existence of individual candidates will surely break the partitocracy (political party dominated democracy) and the oligarchy of political parties so that the aspirations of the bottom get a place in the political process. With the allowance of individual candidates, it will enable the birth of candidates from the public who are considered more qualified public than just a figure who carried a handful of political party elites. On the other hand, the increased support of the people towards the existence of individual candidates should be seen as an effort to increase people's political participation in the regional head elections and the implementation of more accommodative and democratic regional elections. Up to now it should be recognized that the nomination of regional head is dominated by political parties. The absence of a transparent and democratic recruitment system led to this process being influenced more by political party elites and political brokers. The position of the political party becomes very central because all candidates must pass there and of course a candidate will not get the ticket of the political party for free. With the regulation allowing individual candidates will directly push the process of internal democratization of political parties to be more selective and democratic in determining the candidates. The type of research conducted is descriptive qualitative research, namely research conducted describes the situation of elections of regional heads. The analysis conducted in this research is qualitative analysis by drawing deductive conclusions that is drawing conclusions from things that are general to things that are special. Keywords: pemilukada, regional autonomy Abstrak Pencalonan perseorangan dalam pemilihan kepala daerah diharapkan menghasilkan pemimpin daerah yang lebih aspiratif, berkualitas, dan berkomitmen kuat menyejahterakan rakyat. Calon perseorangan dalam Pilkada juga sebagai alternatif untuk mengakomodasi Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) politik setiap Warga Negara Indonesia (WNI) yang tidak mencalonkan diri melalui partai politik. Adanya calon perseorangan tentunya akan mendobrak partitokrasi (demokrasi yang didominasi partai politik) dan oligarki partai politik agar aspirasi dari bawah mendapatkan tempat dalam proses politik. Dengan diperkenankannya calon perseorangan, maka akan memungkinkan lahirnya calon dari masyarakat yang dianggap publik lebih berkualitas daripada sekedar figur yang diusung segelintir elit partai politik. Di sisi lain, meningkatnya dukungan rakyat terhadap keberadaan calon perseorangan harus dilihat sebagai upaya meningkatkan partisipasi politik rakyat dalam pemilihan kepala daerah dan terselenggaranya pemilihan kepala daerah yang lebih akomodatif dan demokratis. Hingga kini harus diakui pencalonan kepala daerah lebih banyak didominasi partai politik. Tidak adanya sistem rekuitmen yang transparan dan demokratis menyebabkan proses ini lebih banyak dipengaruhi oleh elit partai politik dan para broker politik. Posisi partai politik menjadi sangat sentral karena semua calon harus lewat sana dan tentunya seorang calon tak akan memperoleh tiket partai politik tersebut dengan gratis. Dengan adanya regulasi yang memperkenankan calon perseorangan secara langsung akan mendorong proses demokratisasi internal partai politik untuk lebih selektif dan demokratis dalam menentukan calon-calonnya. Jenis Penelitian yang dilakukan adalah penelitian deskriptif kualitatif, yaitu penelitian yang dilakukan menggambarkan situasi pemilihan kepala daerah. Analisis yang dilakukan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis kualitatif dengan menarik kesimpulan secara deduktif yaitu menarik kesimpulan dari hal-hal yang bersifat umum kepada hal-hal yang bersifat khusus. Kata Kunci : pemilukada, otonomi daerah


Author(s):  
Uta Russmann ◽  
Jakob Svensson

This chapter addresses a neglected issue within the field of social media and political communication. It focuses on interaction processes on Instagram asking how political parties used Instagram—a platform that is centered around images—when engaging in interaction with their followers on the platform. The focus is on political parties' use of Instagram in the 2014 Swedish national election campaign. This gives an impression of the first attempts of political parties' use of this communication platform. The quantitative content analysis focuses on Instagram images including their captions and comments (posts) that Swedish parties published four weeks prior to Election Day. The results suggest that not much changes on Instagram compared to other social media platforms: Swedish political parties hardly used Instagram to interact with their followers, and the very few interactions taking place did not contribute to the exchange of relevant and substantive information about politics. Interaction and deliberation are also not enhanced by the images.


Author(s):  
David Thackeray ◽  
Richard Toye

Age of Promises explores the issue of electoral promises in twentieth century Britain—how they were made, how they were understood, and how they evolved across time. It does so through a study of general election manifestos and election addresses. The premise of the book is that a history of the act of making promises—which is central to the political process, but which has not been sufficiently analysed—illuminates the development of political communication and democratic representation. The twentieth century saw a broad shift away from politics viewed as a discursive process whereby, at elections, it was enough to set out broad principles, with detailed policymaking to follow once in office, following reflection and discussion. Over the first part of the century, parties increasingly felt required to compile lists of specific policies to offer to voters and detailed, costed pledges. We live in an age of growing uncertainty over the authority and status of political promises. In the wake of the 2016 EU referendum––during which an (alleged) promise was famously written on the side of a bus––controversy erupted over parliamentary sovereignty. Should ‘the will of the people’ as manifested in the referendum result be supreme, or did MPs owe a primary responsibility to their constituents and/or to the party manifestos on which they had been elected? Age of Promises demonstrates that these debates build on a long history of differing understandings about what status manifestos and addresses should have in shaping the actions of government.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 01-12
Author(s):  
Yulika Purwaningsih ◽  
Ucik Ana Fardila

Media is often used for political tools. Media has an important role in the political process, the media can influence the number of elections that are extraordinary in terms of politics. Some people prefer a political actor who often appears on the media screen rather than being passive behind the media. Politics by using media is intended so that information in politics can spread widely. So this is often used by some political parties to campaign or market their parties. Politicians market their parties through advertisements. Political advertisements that are currently emerging, whether on television or other social media, are songs of identity or better known as mars from the Indonesian Unity Party (Perindo) which is headed by Hary Tanoesoedibjo who is also the owner of MNC Group. This ad is often aired on several television stations under the auspices of MNC Group, such as RCTI, MNCTV, GlobalTV (which has now changed to GTV). In this study, researchers used qualitative research using semiotic analysis methods. Semiotic analysis methods can be used to find out the purpose and purpose of advertising through symbols and signs that are often raised when the ad is displayed. The object of the research used was the advertisement of Mars of the Perindo Party, where data sources came from television shows and literature literature such as books, internet sites, and others related to the object of research. The results of this study are the effects of semiotic messages that are included in the Mars advertisements of Perindo Party so that they can generate confidence and sympathy and support from the people who see them, and this will end in vote support during elections.


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