scholarly journals Cinema documentário, memória, política e exílio. Vivências no feminino.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Francisco Serafim ◽  
Natália Ramos

This communication seeks to address the issue of political movement, migration and exile through the documentary work of Chilean director Carmen Castillo, who in 1974 was forced to leave her country and to exile in France. Castillo was a militant of the MIR (Revolutionary Left Movement) along with his companion Miguel Enríquez. In 1974, after being betrayed by a leader of the left-wing movement, Castillo, pregnant and already the mother of two children, is confronted with a military operation in the house where they lived, in Santa Fe Street. She is arrested and her companion executed during the military operation. In order to understand this dramatic moment and which had serious repercussions throughout her life, Castillo makes two documentary films that relate to each other. The first La Flaca Alejandra; Lives and deaths of a Chilean woman (1994, 60 min.), presents the director’s meeting with the one that betrayed her to the military police in 1974. The second Calle Santa Fe (2007, 182 min.) is of another scope for the duration of almost three hours, during which we observe in a tone much more autobiographical and subjective than the previous film the questions of this woman who returns to the place where her personal tragedy began, that is, Santa Fe Street. Both films intriguingly address the past of a nation through, especially memory, whether personal or collective. These issues will be analyzed through authors like Beatriz Sarlo, Maurice Halbwachs and Laura Rascaroli.

2021 ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Alexandra Kurakina-Damir

Despite well-founded doubts about the viability of the coalition (which had insufficient support of the deputies for the adoption of important laws), a well-built strategy of political communication during the pandemic allowed the cabinet of ministers not only to withstand, but also to strengthen its positions. Over the past year, a number of strategically important decisions, both from a political and image point of view, have been adopted. The coronavirus pandemic has had a significant impact on the legislative process. The solution to the Catalan problem faded into the background. In part, this was due to the need for early parliamentary elections in the region and the alleged regrouping of political forces. The revealed facts of possible financial abuse of the honorary king hurt the image of the Crown, but the measures taken today to restore prestige are bearing fruit. Among the electoral trends noted, it is worth highlighting the strengthening of positions of socialists and rightwing populists (especially following the results of early regional elections in Catalonia), as well as a decline in support for left-wing populism. Ciudadanos' position remains unstable: on the one hand, it managed to slightly regain its position in early 2020, but further growth in support stalled, and poor results in the Catalan elections once again raised the question of whether the party has a future. Conservatives, by contrast, have established themselves as the leader of the bloc. Having lost a share of supporters at the beginning of the study period, they tried with all their might to restore the balance, periodically changing the strategy of actions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (15) ◽  
pp. 347-361
Author(s):  
Adam Romejko

Austria is a country that in politics is guided by pragmatism. The main determinant of what is politically correct or not, it is the national interest. This approach is revealed in the past and present, including the question of the migrant community. It does not matter whether we are dealing with economic or political migrants or refugees. Since the sixties Austria is becoming a popular country where newcomers sought a better life. Many guest workers came then from Turkey and Yugoslavia. On the one hand, the Austrian authorities legally regulated migration and offered access to employment, on the other hand they tried to avoid restrictions. This pragmatic approach was due to favourable economic conditions prevailing in Austria. A similar situation we face today. The authorities want to control the influx of foreigners into Austria and at the same time without any restrictions they let in to the country people describing themselves as refugees. The presence of foreigners is an important part of the political game. Left-wing parties recognize that immigrants are important voters. Their representatives want in this way to gain popularity among Austrians who fear the negative impact of the influx of foreigners and promoted multiculturalism policy. A negative consequence of the Austrian pragmatism is highly critical assessment of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, which do not support naive Germany’s policy in relation to the latest wave of newcomers. Austria, which in the past was seen as a bridge between the West and the East, has lost the support of the criticized countries, including Poland.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (II) ◽  
pp. 34-49
Author(s):  
Dost Muhammad Yousafzai ◽  
Mehrunnisa

The Taliban rule in Swat and the adjoining districts of Malakand Division was a major threat to the democratic stability of Pakistan. In consequence, the state had to mobilize the army and to curb militancy through force after all peaceful measures had failed. During the military operation, about 3 million people became IDPs (internally displaced persons) with no food and shelter. The only means of bringing the problems of the IDPs to the notice of public was possible only through media. The present research study is undertaken to highlight the role of media mainly the print in representing the IDPs, the language they used to describe the events and the experience of senior journalists (Bureau Chiefs) in the field. The study concludes that media performed in a commendable way to highlight the problems of IDPs, to glorify the army and to downplay the anti-state narrative of the Taliban. Further, it is found that despite all efforts, the media personnel felt torn between the various sides' expectations. On the one hand, they were pressed hard by the government and the IDPs to give them more coverage while the militants would also issue threats to them in case their views were not properly.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Mokhamad Iqbal Khomaini

Muslim terrorist group is a contrast issue, they are the one who openly opposes the U.S. Oppression, but on another side, they are blamed for being a terrorist. The story started with oppression on Muslim countries everywhere: Afghanistan was invaded by USSR army, then 1991, Iraq also was attacked as a response call from the US to Kuwaiti aid request, then in 2001, Afghanistan was invaded and occupied by the U.S., then the raid over Taliban and all its organization in Pakistan and Afghanistan, the military operation in Iraq, 2003, and daily killing upon Palestinian since 1967 with no ending etc. So, the counter upon oppression rises, but unfortunately those who struggled to defend Muslim territories against U.S. invasion are called as a “terrorist”. Once upon a time in 2000, Bali was the most destined of tourism but unexpectedly, a big tragedy happened in Indonesia with the bomb explosion in Bali Island and killed 202 people, most of the victims were foreign tourists. The result of investigations pointed to “Jemaah Islamiyah” as an actor of that incident. The national and International news media posted that “Jamaah Islamiyah” did a terror on the basis of jihad against America and its allies who invaded a Muslim country, but unfortunately, the victims were civilians who have nonsense affiliated with politics. Keywords:Terrorist, Extremism, and Radical Muslim Group 


Author(s):  
E. Shanchenko

The paper presents some considerations, partly polemic, inspired by Mary Kaldor’s book New and Old Wars. For this end, a brief comparative analysis is suggested of large-scale wars of the past (starting from the17th and with particular attention to the end of the 19th and the first half of the 20th centuries), on the one hand, and the so called “new wars”, on the other. The concept of “war” has been actual permanently, but it underwent changes, the most serious of them took place at the beginning and in the middle of the 20st century. However, the current political situation on the world scene shows that the conflicts of the globalization era differ considerably from those of previous centuries which were mainly conducted according to the generally adopted “rules of war” considered now as classical.The substantial role in modern violent collisions is played by a conflict of identities which was not so important when wars were conducted mainly between national states. Unlike conflicts of the previous centuries, the military confrontations of today may occur not only between states, but also inside the single country, where different groups of participants are pursuing their own goals in frameworks of identity policy. The traditional notion of civil war is not enough to cover this variety. Due to the global nature of the modern conflicts and involvement of the variety of participants, the conflict resolution seems to be more complicated than ever. Moreover, the identity factor has become an effective tool for different parties of the conflict who tend to use it at their own convenience. Consequently, resolution of modern violent conflicts, wherever they develop, demands contemporary and often non-trivial solutions, as well as close attention of the global community. The author believes that to resolve modern conflicts effectively, the world society should create a unified and comprehensive definition of the concept of “war” as well as invent new ways of the conflict solution taking into consideration, among other things, the diverse dynamics of globalization processes.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfio Leotta

Neo-fascism played a crucial role in the Italian political panorama of the second half of the twentieth century. However, despite its importance, this political movement has been significantly underrepresented in contemporary Italian cinema. Italian cinema has been traditionally characterized by a strong political commitment and left-wing film-makers have often attempted to examine issues emerging from within groups close to their own political position. While Italian cinema is characterized by a proliferation of films that focus on left wing or communist heroes, neo-fascists have been systematically excluded from screen representation or confined to the roles of one-dimensional villains: either dangerous, anti-social thugs like in Teste rasate/Skinheads (Fragasso, 1993); leaders of coup d’état associated with the military like in La polizia ringrazia/Execution Squad (Vanzina, 1972) and Vogliamo i Colonnelli/We Want the Colonels (Monicelli, 1973)or vicious psycho-killers like in San Babila ore 20: Delitto inutile/San Babila 8pm (Lizzani, 1976). However, today, twenty years after 1989 and the collapse of ideologies, Italian film-makers have started a process of historical revision that goes beyond the simplistic opposition good versus evil. This tendency is particularly apparent in recent productions such as Romanzo Criminale/Crime Novel (Placido, 2005) and particularly Mio fratello è figlio unico/My Brother Is an Only Child (Luchetti, 2007) which, while avoiding to justify or celebrate neo-fascist ideology, attempt to explore the sociocultural motivations that lie behind the political choice of Italian neo-fascists.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfio Leotta

Neo-fascism played a crucial role in the Italian political panorama of the second half of the twentieth century. However, despite its importance, this political movement has been significantly underrepresented in contemporary Italian cinema. Italian cinema has been traditionally characterized by a strong political commitment and left-wing film-makers have often attempted to examine issues emerging from within groups close to their own political position. While Italian cinema is characterized by a proliferation of films that focus on left wing or communist heroes, neo-fascists have been systematically excluded from screen representation or confined to the roles of one-dimensional villains: either dangerous, anti-social thugs like in Teste rasate/Skinheads (Fragasso, 1993); leaders of coup d’état associated with the military like in La polizia ringrazia/Execution Squad (Vanzina, 1972) and Vogliamo i Colonnelli/We Want the Colonels (Monicelli, 1973)or vicious psycho-killers like in San Babila ore 20: Delitto inutile/San Babila 8pm (Lizzani, 1976). However, today, twenty years after 1989 and the collapse of ideologies, Italian film-makers have started a process of historical revision that goes beyond the simplistic opposition good versus evil. This tendency is particularly apparent in recent productions such as Romanzo Criminale/Crime Novel (Placido, 2005) and particularly Mio fratello è figlio unico/My Brother Is an Only Child (Luchetti, 2007) which, while avoiding to justify or celebrate neo-fascist ideology, attempt to explore the sociocultural motivations that lie behind the political choice of Italian neo-fascists.


2021 ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Mariano D. Montero

Paraguay was the last of the South American countries to join the so-called “progressive cycle” in 2008. Except Chile and Peru — with overly ambiguous progressive cycles - it was also the first to get out of it as the outcome of the parliamentary coup in June 2012. Of the countries involved, Paraguay was the one with the shortest cycle, with only four years. However, the lessons of the arrival to the government and the following ouster were not taken into account in a proper way by the Paraguayan left forces that remain divided. There are many fringes and groups within the Paraguayan left movement, which clamps down on the chances to manage the unity as the chief condition for a possible return to power. In order to weight the nowadays possibilities of the left-wing forces, the author gives heed to the current situation in their groups and to the conclusions that should be made on the basis of their brief experience in ruling the State (2008—2012). As a matter of fact, they have two main choices before them: to keep trying electoral alliances with the Authentic Radical Liberal Party (PLRA) or to take their own way framing a long-term political project.


Author(s):  
James E. Parco ◽  
Barry S. Fagin
Keyword(s):  
The One ◽  

2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-171
Author(s):  
Nāṣir Al-Dīn Abū Khaḍīr

The ʿUthmānic way of writing (al-rasm al-ʿUthmānī) is a science that specialises in the writing of Qur'anic words in accordance with a specific ‘pattern’. It follows the writing style of the Companions at the time of the third caliph, ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān, and was attributed to ʿUthmān on the basis that he was the one who ordered the collection and copying of the Qur'an into the actual muṣḥaf. This article aims to expound on the two fundamental functions of al-rasm al-ʿUthmānī: that of paying regard to the ‘correct’ pronunciation of the words in the muṣḥaf, and the pursuit of the preclusion of ambiguity which may arise in the mind of the reader and his auditor. There is a further practical aim for this study: to show the connection between modern orthography and the ʿUthmānic rasm in order that we, nowadays, are thereby able to overcome the problems faced by calligraphers and writers of the past in their different ages and cultures.


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