scholarly journals The Legacy of Bla ma dkar po: An Unsettled Dispute between Chone and Labrang on the Inner Asian Frontier

Waxing Moon ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marnyi Gyatso

From the 1860s to the 1890s, Bla ma dkar po, a Chone Tibetan lama rose to power in Xinjiang and became a major participant in the late Qing Inner Asian politics. With the support of Beijing, Lhasa, Mongol patrons and local tsho ba, the lama established a university monastery in his hometown, where was caught between Chone and Labrang in eastern Mdo smad. After he died of illness, the Qing court recognized him as a reincarnated ho thog thuin Dzungaria. Chone and Labrang contested for his spiritual and material legacies, competed for controlling his hometown, turned the reincarnation lineage into a local institution, and left the dispute unsettled up to the present. This article uses this case to examine the complex relations between Tibetan regional powers and local societiesin Mdo smad. It elaborates how the “long-term unsettling” became a solution for such a covert dispute. བླ་མ་དཀར་པོའི་གནའ་རྫས།ཡ་གླིང་ནང་མའི་མཐའ་མཚམས་ཁྲོད་ཀྱི་ཅོ་ནེ་དང་བླ་བྲང་བར་གྱི་ཡུན་རིང་ཐག་གཅོད་མ་བྱས་པའི་རྩོད་གཞི། སྤྱི་ལོ༡༨༦༠-༡༨༩༠ལོའི་བར།བླ་མ་དཀར་པོ་ནི་ཅོ་ནེའི་བོད་རིགས་ཀྱི་བླ་མ་ཤིན་ཅང་ས་ཆ་ནས་དབང་ཐང་རྒྱས་པར་མ་ཟད།ཆིང་རྒྱལ་རབས་ཀྱི་དུས་མཇུག་དུ་ཡ་གླིང་ནང་ཁུལ་གྱི་ཆབ་སྲིད་དུ་ཞུགས་མཁན་གཙོ་བོ་ཞིག་ཡིན།པེ་ཅིན།ལྷ་ས།སོག་པོ་བཅས་ཀྱི་སྤྱིན་བདག་དང་ས་གནས་དེའི་ཚོ་བའི་རྒྱབ་སྐྱོར་ལ་བརྟེན་ནས།བླ་མ་འདིའི་ཕ་ཡུལ།ཨ་མདོའི་ཤར་ཕྱོགས།ཅོ་ནེ་དང་བླ་བྲང་ས་ཆའི་བར་ནས་དགོན་པ་ཆེན་པོ་ཞིག་འཛུགས་བསྐྲུན་མཛད།ཁོང་རང་སྐུ་མྱངས་ནས་མྱ་ངན་ལས་འདས་བའི་རྗེས་སུ།ཆིང་སྲིད་གཞུང་གིས་ཁོ་རང་ཇིང་གུར་གྱི་ཡང་སྲིད་ཧོ་ཐོག་ཐུའི་ཆོ་ལོ་སྩལ།ཅོ་ནེ་དང་བླ་བྲང་བར་ཁོང་རང་གི་ཐུགས་དགོངས་དང་དངོས་པོའི་ཤུལ་བཞག་འགྲན་རྩོད་བྱུང་ནས།ཁོང་རང་གི་ཕ་ཡུལ་གྱིས་བརྩོན་ལེན་བྱེད་པར་ཚོད་འཛིན་བྱས།དེ་ནས་གདུང་རྒྱུད་འཛིན་པའི་གདུང་རབས་ཏེ་ས་གནས་ཀྱི་ལམ་ལུགས་སུ་འགྱུར།དེར་མ་ཟད་རྩོད་གཞི་འདི་ད་ལྟའི་བར་དུ་ཤུལ་ལུས་ཐག་གཅོད་མ་བྱས།རྩོམ་ཡིག་འདིར་ཨ་མདོའི་བོད་རིགས་ཀྱི་ས་ཁོངས་དབང་ཆ་དང་ས་གནས་སྤྱི་ཚོགས་བར་གྱི་རྙོག་འཛིང་གི་འབྲེལ་བ་དཔེ་མཚོན་དུ་བཟུང་ནས་བརྟག་ཞིབ་བྱས་ཡོད།ཁོ་བོས་“ཡུན་རིང་ཐག་གཅོད་མ་བྱས་པ”ཅི་ལྟར་འདི་འདྲའི་སྦས་བའི་རང་བཞིན་གྱི་རྩོད་གཞི་ཅག་གཅོད་བྱེད་ཐབས་ཞིབ་བརྗོད་བྱས་ཡོད། བརྡ་ཆད་གཙོ་བོ།  བླ་མ་དཀར་པོ། ཅོ་ནེ། བླ་བྲང་། ཚོ་བ། གདུང་རྒྱུད་ལམ་ལུགས། ཡ་གླིང་ནང་མ།  

2006 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-301
Author(s):  
Anush Begoyan

AbstractThe article examines security issues of the Transcaucasian region with the focus on nonmilitary and trans-border security threats and a regional security community that also includes non-state security actors of the region, such as not-recognised autonomous entities, nations, ethnic groups, minorities, etc.This approach to regional security shifts the focus of policies from balance of power to closer regional integration and cooperation, as well as joint provision of regional security. Despite many objectives and existing obstacles to this scenario of regional development, the author sees it to be the only way toward a stable and long-term security in the region. The article argues that closer regional cooperation and integration would allow to accommodate interests and security concerns of non-state actors of the region and would bring the fate of regional issues back in the hands of the regional powers and create bases for sustainable and lasting peace in the region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (supl) ◽  
pp. 105-113
Author(s):  
Tiago Duarte Dias

As the whole world struggles with the appearance of a large-scale pandemic, individuals and institutions begin to cope with the perspective of both short and long-term changes to their plans. What had been planned out by many during January and February of 2020, no longer became feasible already during the following months. Thus, with the impossibility of knowing for how long this situation will persist, both individuals and institutions have changed their plans with a focus on when the situation will reverse to a degree of normalcy. This article aims to briefly understand and analyses the strategies centered around a Swedish football club founded by Kurdish individuals regarded to the consequences of the coronavirus crisis in the country. Both fans and employees at the club have changed their strategies regarding the first year they would be playing in their new hometown of Uppsala. The author will argue that, although, the crisis has changed their strategy and hampered their plans of becoming a local institution, it has not, in fact, changed their plans to be an integrated part of the city, but it has provided the club with newer opportunities to do so.


Author(s):  
Philip Roessler ◽  
Harry Verhoeven

This chapter lays out the book’s central argument. It first addresses the limitations of existing explanations—war for natural resources, spillover of Rwandan genocide, anti-foreign resistance and personalization of power. It then develops the building blocks of the argument, which attributes Africa’s Great War to the type of revolutionary organization and regional alliance the comrades built to liberate Zaire. In contrast to the strong Leninist political organizations that they built during their own revolutionary struggles, the regional powers, led by the RPF, backed the emergence of a weak, personalized rebel movement heavily dependent on foreign support. This allowed the RPF to maximize its control of the AFDL and pursue its immediate priority of chasing down the génocidaires but at the cost of long-term peace. In the absence of strong domestic or regional institutions, the liberators failed to manage the vacuum of power their annihilation of the Mobutu regime brought about. Consequently, despite alignment on the goals of liberating Zaire, the post-Mobutu system would be defined by high levels of internal and external uncertainty among comrades, ending in catastrophic war.


2020 ◽  

The monograph analyses intellectual background of the long-term internal and foreign policy lines of major countries in the Indo-Pacific region. While presenting an overview of the key concepts underpinning long-term strategies of development and international aligning of these countries, the authors also make assumptions about possible modification of these concepts in the future and the emergence of new theoretical positions defining practical steps to be taken by the regional powers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-156
Author(s):  
Aghavn HARUTYUNYAN

recent years, much has been said and written about the Chinese BRI (Belt and Road initiative): the mainly discussed issues relating to its economic benefits for the participating countries and the possible impact in the global and regional balance of power. However, relatively little attention has been paid paid to the risks and problems affecting the success of the initiative in the long term. The diverse cultural, religious, economic, and socio-political situation in countries along BRI routes contributes to the inevitable and inherent risks and challenges for the project, both domestically and internationally. It may mean that in order to implement BRI, China will have to deal with powerful global competitors and some influential regional powers, which implies a new geopolitical rivalry in Eurasia and the struggle for global influence. With the expansion of coverage to more than 70 countries, some concerns and complaints have arisen regarding BRI that have received wide publicity. In the expert community and the mass media, mainly in the West, we increasingly see comments on the growing problems of BRI and even forecasts of the possible refusal of developing countries to participate in BRI, due to their unwillingness to become an economic, raw material and financial appendage to the Middle Kingdom. According to critics of the Chinese initiative, previously optimistic participants of BRI will “soon realize” that all promises about the benefits of the project for their economies are greatly exaggerated, therefore they will have to reconsider their financial terms of agreements with the Chinese partners.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-76
Author(s):  
Khadija Murtaza ◽  
◽  
Dr. Mian Muhammad Azhar ◽  

In the arena of international system, every state tries to maximize its own power for its self-survival. States are enhancing their power to increase their hegemony. That is why India and United States have led to a strategic partnership due to mutual interests in global politics such as promoting democracy and fighting terrorism. After that, they extend their collaboration across the economy, technology and atomic energy. In the South Asian security environment, the United States of America (USA) and India have a strong bond of strategic partnership due to the power struggle between the regional powers. India and USA started nuclear deal on 2005 which was completed on 2006. Behind this deal, both states increase their influence in this region. India seeks lasting partnerships with USA to achieve its strategic ambitions. The partnership of nuclear agreement between the USA and India will gain long-term national interests. This research highlights complex present-day demonstration of demonic incidence which emerged after this relationship and its implications on Pakistan.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Setsmy Setsmy ◽  
Ayub M. Padangaran ◽  
Ine Fausayana

Study aim are: find out the level of food insecurity in Asinua distric of Awua Jaya Village Konawe Regency; to know the pattern of anticipation to food insecurity in remote village; to know the role of local institution toward the pattern of anticipation food insecurity that the communityhas done. This study was conducted in the village of Awua Jaya sub-district Asinua regency konawe March-July 2017. The result of study indicate that food insecurity in Asinua sub-distric is still in medium category tahat is at number three (3), where society experiencing food shortage about 3 month; the pattern of food insecurity anticipation in Awua Jaya village can be done in 2 ways, namely for the long term by increasing the productivity of rice crops through improving technology production and increasing the frequency of planting from one time to 2 time a year on irrigation repair conditions; and in the short term with the aid of food in the famine period from March to April each year. P3A intitutions  have no institution related to food insecurity are transmigation service, food crop service, food security agency, farmer group and institutional P3A. The role of such institution has not existed except the transmigration offices that channel raskin 15 kg/3 months so it can not overcome food insecurity.Keywords: food insecurity; patterns of anticipation; the role of local institusions


2015 ◽  
Vol 01 (03) ◽  
pp. 447-469
Author(s):  
Dongxiao Chen

The Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia (CICA) is at a critical juncture of development and transformation. In the past two decades, CICA has developed itself into the most representative and inclusive pan-Asian forum on regional security and cooperation, making steady progress on confidence building and regional cooperation, as well as promoting ideas of comprehensive, common, cooperative, and sustainable security. CICA has played a unique role in gradually raising Asia's self-awareness on a regional security agenda and regional architecture building. Nevertheless, CICA's overall influence on Asia's security agenda is still limited, its potential is far from being fully realized, let alone its long-term goal of upgrading into an organization of security and cooperation in asia (OSCA). In the context of changing dynamics in the regional security landscape, there are both great opportunities and huge challenges for CICA's further development and transformation. China, as the chairing country of CICA in the next few years, should show its stewardship to strategically prioritize CICA's road map for its transformation, by enhancing CICA's capacity and institutional building, improving the efficacy of CBMs for regional security, and helping build CICA's capability of delivering more regional security public goods. For the purpose of realizing these agendas of CICA, China should not only work more closely with the core members of CICA, but also engage well with extra-regional powers, particularly the United States, in the area of regional security architecture building.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1960 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 586-595
Author(s):  
I. Leonard Bernstein ◽  
John E. Allen ◽  
Louis Kreindler ◽  
Joseph E. Ghory ◽  
Theodore H. Wohl

Rehabilitation of children with refractory asthma utilizing the existing facilities of a local institution has proven successful in Cincinnati. A complete description of the origins, aims and services of this program is presented. The local nature of such a program has some distinct advantages over a national institution doing the same kind of work, chief among which is the opportunity for long-term clinical observation and laboratory studies of discharged children. In general this preliminary presentation of our clinical results in 47 patients corroborates the good results previously reported by other centers involved in long-term rehabilitation of children with asthma. Specific factors which may influence or produce clinical remissions in these patients are under current investigation. In our opinion, it is not only feasible, but also highly desirable, for other urban areas to develop similar treatment centers. It is conceivable that some type of federation, either formal or informal, would be mutually beneficial to all who are involved in this gratifying work, in both local and national centers.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nuri Widiastuti Veronica

East Asia has been widely known as the arena for geopolitical contestation between the great players and has been called as 'the grand chessboard' for geopolitical struggles, especially for the two regional powers, Japan and China. These two powers possess huge potentials to become the driving actors for the formation of regional mechanisms in East Asia, such as East Asian Community (EAC) dan China-ASEAN Free Trade Area. Economic cooperation between China and Japan in some regional forums brings hopes to end the long-term tensions and prospects for reconciliation among them. However, the interdependence between them does not simultaneously change the influence contestation and competition, especially for these past decades. This paper will try to answer a question about the form of competition between Japan and China in the context of regional institution in East Asia. By using theoretical approach of rivalry on interdependency, this paper try to analyze the roles of the two great powers in multilateral forums in East Asia, how those roles reflect their competition and what obstacles are heading their ways to be the "leader" in East Asia regional forums.


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