scholarly journals Humour and satire in everyday life in 1920s Soviet society

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Galina Nikolaevna Ryabova

In the Soviet society of the 1920s, humour and satire existed on two levels: official and unofficial. They have rather diverse forms. At the official level, there were, first of all, satirical articles, humoresques, and cartoons in the newspapers. Newspapers were an integral part of Soviet everyday life. Secondly, there were the performances of propaganda teams (the «Blue Blouse» in particular). These performances took place at any venues: in working clubs and village halls, on the factory floors, in different offices. The repertoire of propaganda teams always included satirical couplets directed against «internal and external enemies». At the unofficial level, there were witty-ditties, funny couplets, and anecdotes. They have various contents: from everyday and romantic issues to political problems. Therefore, at this level humour and satire expressed a critical attitude to the government and popular protest. At each level, humour and satire had their own goals and fulfilled various functions: from ideological to relaxational.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-67
Author(s):  
Nurdin Arifin ◽  
Eudia Fortuna

Mathematical concepts are always useful in everyday life to solve problems at hand. Learning mathematics that is associated with the surrounding (contextual) circumstances, especially in the culture of an area, is expected to be able to improve the ability of students in learning. Learning mathematics which is associated with the culture of an area is called ethnomathematics. Moreover, the government is currently promoting literacy. Literacy in mathematics is called mathematical literacy/mathematical literacy is the knowledge to know and apply basic mathematics every day such as to communicate both orally and in writing, to reason, and to solve problems. This service is carried out through a zoom meeting application that is given to 6th semester students, as a preparation effort before students carry out the Introduction to Learning Environment (PLP) at school. This service method uses the ADDIE (Analyze, Design, Develop, Implementation, and Evaluation) model. In the results of this service, a discussion was held on the ethnomathematics of the Bentian Dayak tribe in relation to learning mathematics and participants were able to make mathematical literacy questions. In the end, participants will be able to apply ethnomathematics and mathematical literacy in learning


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 71-78
Author(s):  
Bershadskaia Svetlana V. ◽  

By examining the personal journal of Marfa Solov’eva, one of the staff of Krasnoyarsk Local History Museum (Yenissei Province), the article aims to analyze some changes of everyday life at the beginning of the 1920s. Aged 33, Ms. Solov’eva found herself among the members of the Yenissei Province delegation sent to participate in the First All-Union Agriculture and Orchard Industry Exhibition in Moscow in 1923. She wrote down her personal experiences of travelling from Krasnoyarsk to Moscow. Given that anthropological shift has taken the lead in historical research, the materials of personal origin (like personal journals) provide an additional avenue to get firsthand information on how contemporaries interpreted the turning points in history. By focusing on the findings from the personal journal introduced for the first time the article investigates the transformations in early Soviet society at the grassroots level and from the point of view of a young representative of Siberian intelligentsia. The article demonstrates how day-to-day and leisure practices of those who took part in the trip were organized. Additionally, it considers the emotional sphere, which is missed to a greater extent by official sources. A mixture of interdisciplinary, systematic and sociocultural approaches and descriptive methods for interpreting sources has been adopted. Keywords: personal journal, everyday life, the intelligentsia, Siberia, the Yenissei province, the onset of NEP, the First All-Union Agriculture and Orchard Industry Exhibition in Moscow in 1923


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-142

The great plague of 1665-1666 is one of the starting points for the birth of biopolitics in its modern form. The quarantine measures introduced by the government have been considered effective from the medical point of view since the middle of the 18th century. However, many of those contemporary with the plague were convinced that the state was only worsening matters for London’s inhabitants. The author examines why the plague elicited such an ambivalent response in England and how the disease stopped being a composite object and turned into a “comfortable, domesticated” concept. The article investigates why the moral assessment of those measures has become so different over the past hundred years and shows how the quarantine in London influenced the “hygienic revolution.” Apart from its historical interest, this case is a suitable topic for the use of STS methodology because it illustrates the impossibility providing a complete description of the quarantine process and subsequent medical treatment in terms of a conflict between different actors. In order to understand why these measures have subsequently been perceived in this fashion, the author applies the concept of Lovecraftian horror, which offers a way to describe the situation of “collisions” with the plague. By describing how biopolitics released the moral tension built up by the co-existence of different interpretations of the causes of the epidemic, the author reconstructs the retrospective creation of the myth about the success of the quarantine. He contrasts the logic of “multiplicity” with the unifying descriptions and shows the kind of problems a “blurred” ontology can bring on during a crisis in everyday life. This leads to a discussion of the difficulty of holding onto unstable objects that have the potential for liberation from the logic of paternalistic care.


2020 ◽  
pp. 19-62
Author(s):  
Laura Lohman

Focusing on the period 1783–1792, this chapter examines how music was used as a tool of propaganda in the early American republic. Americans used music to craft a central myth of the nation, the drafting and ratification of the Constitution. Music was an important tool of propaganda as debates over how to address crucial financial problems impacting individuals, the states, and the federal government culminated in efforts to restructure the government through the Constitution. As advocates of a more powerful federal government repeatedly turned to musical propaganda, songwriters wrote music to contain popular protest, urge ratification, define the relationship between the people and the new federal government, and promote allegiance to the newly structured government during Washington’s first term as president.


1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (119) ◽  
pp. 377-392 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neal Garnham

In his recent book dealing with the history of duelling in Ireland, James Kelly comes to the conclusion that eighteenth-century Ireland was essentially ‘a violent society’, peopled at least in part ‘by wilful men who put their individual reputations above their lives, their families, their religion, and the law’. Such comments seem to continue a well-established tradition of interpretation that goes back to the nineteenth century. However, this image of a society in which violence was endemic, and conflict a feature of everyday life, has not gone unquestioned by historians. For example, Thomas Bartlett and Sean Connolly have instead noted the relatively controlled nature of popular protest, the early disappearance of banditry, and the reliance, until the very end of the century, on local enforcement of the law, as possible indications that Ireland may not have been as disorderly a society as has been suggested. These differing interpretations have, in turn, an obvious relevance to the wider debate on how eighteenth-century Ireland should be perceived: as a society irreconcilably and uniquely divided by religious and ethnic conflicts, or as a more or less typical part of the European ancient régime.


1985 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 234-252
Author(s):  
Donald C. Clarke

One of the major changes in Chinese Government policy since the death of Mao Zedong has been the new emphasis on the need for stability and regularity in everyday life, to be achieved by the systematic codification of laws and the strengthening of institutions for administering them. Since 1978 much legislation has been enacted with this end in mind, but the significance of this legislation is not self-evident. What the new laws minimally represent is a set of rules promulgated by the government which purport to govern social relationships in specified areas. Whatever else they might mean – that is, what social effects will follow from the declaration of particular rules – needs to be understood through a study of the individuals and institutions that will have to deal with these rules. Fundamentally, this is a matter of asking whether and why violations of “the law” should matter, and who has the power to find a violation and to remedy it.


2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-259
Author(s):  
Aliaksandr Dalhouski

Aliaksandr Dalhouski Belarus after the Chernobyl Disaster: From Silence to Neglect The accident at Chernobyl was an anthropogenic disaster. In the period of the suppression of the disaster’s consequences (1986-1988), the Chernobyl accident was not perceived by the majority of Belarusians as a nation-wide tragedy. At the same time, those living in the Belorussian SSR did not possess civil rights, which prevented them from demanding compensation as a result of inflicted harm, and also they were denied full information about the impact of the disaster on the environment and human health. Such phenomena were a consequence of the state’s suppression of the disaster’s consequences as well as the weak ecological and legal consciousness of the victims in the BSSR. In the period of growing democracy (1989-1991), civic engagement came to the fore and created the perception of the catastrophe a nationwide tragedy. The protest movement forced the government to enact Chernobyl legal legislation. Within the framework of this legislation, massive resettlement was undertaken and a wide range of privileges were granted. With the emergence of an independent and authoritarian regime in the new state of Belarus in the early 1990s, the risks of radiation were downplayed by the social concerns of post-Soviet society, in which the Belarusian regime of President Alexander Lukashenko lessened the importance of the Chernobyl catastrophe.


Author(s):  
Hanne O. Mogensen

Complaints about fees at the government health facilities in Uganda are incessant, and so are the more general statements about lack of money and problems of poverty. These complaints, however, cannot be reduced to questions of cost and the availability of resources. We also need to look at the kinds of exchanges money is made part of. Health has long been part of the economic sphere in Uganda, and people compensate healers and practitioners of different kinds for their services. The article explores why, then, people experience it as far more problematic to pay for treatment in the public health care system than to pay other health care providers. To answer this question requires a discussion of money, not as destructive to social relations, but as creative potential for relationships in all spheres of everyday life. In Uganda, as elsewhere, money can be used both to pay somebody and to give somebody something. Money is being made part of different modalities of exchange. In order to understand what takes place in various kinds of clinical interaction we need to look at the complex intersection of social relations, modalities of exchange, and the objects exchanged.


Author(s):  
Galina Petrovna Sidorova

The subject of this research is the historical-typological peculiarities of reflection in the Soviet cinematography of 1930s – mid 1980s of internal migrations, primarily from the rural areas, as well as determination in the historical dynamics of their value motivations, factors, means, and gender peculiarities. The object this research is the Soviet everyday life as a holistic lifeworld since the early 1930s to the early 1980s, which includes the three eras of spiritual life of the Soviet society: totalitarianism, “thaw”, and the “70s”. The subject of research is viewed in correlation of the ideological and everyday levels of life in their historical dynamics. The article employs the historical typology of culture, content analysis, comparative and hermeneutic methods. The theoretical substantiation of this study consists in the conceptual positions on the artistic methods of the cognition of culture. The conclusion is made that the images of migration in cinematography of the totalitarian period by factors, motives and means are inaccurate. However, from the perspective of systemic-holistic approach, the “typical” artistic images, which inaccurately reflected the internal migrations, expressed the profound essence of Soviet culture of the totalitarian period: concealment of truth and romanticization of reality. In the more realistic depictions of the cinematography of “thaw” period was reflected the “truth of life” and aesthetization of reality, naturalistic style, and social optimism. The formal and “enlightening” depictions of the “70s” translated the in-depth essence of this period: escalation of all-round crisis. Cinematographic works that in one or another way touched upon the theme of internal migrations, namely in the 1950s and 1980s, reflected the binary nature of the Russian-Soviet culture and mentality.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Rama Halim Nur Azmi

Abstract:President Joko Widodo in 2018 revealed the government's target of making a law by means of the omnibus law to overcome the existence of regulatory obesity and overlapping regulations in Indonesia. One of the sectors the government has targeted for the enactment of the omnibus law is the employment sector. The drafting of the omnibus law bill on labor began in 2019 with the target completed within 100 days. At that time the draft law was called the Draft Cipta Lapangan Kerja Bill. However, in the draft last in February 2020 the draft law was named the Draft Cipta Kerja Bill. According to the Chairperson of the People's Legislative Assembly, Puan Maharani, in the DraftCipta Kerja Bill, which was made in an omnibus law, consisted of 79 laws. In the Draft Cipta Kerja Billnotonly includes the employment sector but also other sectors such as the environment. However, the Cipta Kerja Bill has so far drawn rejection from the public, laborers, activists, academics, and practitioners because it is considered in the drafting of the Cipta Kerja Bill that it has problems both formally and materially, even according to some experts the Cipta Kerja Bill has the potential to violate human rights if authorized. In this paper, we will discuss the existence of the omnibus law as one of the mechanisms for the formation of laws and regulations and how the problems in the Draft Cipta Kerja Bill. The method used in this research is a normative juridical method with the statutory and comparative approach. The results of this study are an analysis of the existence of the omnibus law as one of the mechanisms for the formation of legislation and the existence of a picture and a critical attitude towards the issue of the Cipta Kerja Bill. So that through this paper, it can be seen whether the drafting of the Cipta Kerja Bill is intended for the interests of the people or only for the sake of investment which will certainly sacrifice human rights and harm national interests.   Keywords: omnibus law, Draft CiptaKerja Bill, employment, human rights.   Abstrak:Presiden Joko Widodo pada tahun 2018 mengungkapkan target pemerintah yakni membuat suatu undang-undang dengan cara omnibus law untuk mengatasi adanya obesitas regulasi dan tumpang tindihnya regulasi di Indonesia. Salah satu sektor yang menjadi target pemerintah untuk dibuatkan undang-undang omnibus law adalah sektor ketenagakerjaan. Penyusunan rancangan undang-undang omnibus law tentang ketenagakerjaan dimulai sejak tahun 2019 dengan target selesai dalam waktu 100 hari. Saat itu rancangan undang-undang tersebut dinamakan Rancangan Undang-Undang Cipta Lapangan Kerja. Namun, dalam draft terakhir pada Februari 2020 rancangan undang-undang tersebut bernama Rancangan Undang-Undang Cipta Kerja (RUU Cipta Kerja). Menurut Ketua Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Puan Maharani dalam RUU Cipta Kerja yang dibuat secara omnibus law tersebut terdiri dari 79 undang-undang. Dalam RUU Cipta Kerja tersebut tidak hanya memuat tentang sektor ketenagakerjaan saja tetapi juga sektor-sektor lainnya seperti lingkungan hidup. Tetapi, RUU Cipta Kerja tersebut hingga saat ini menuai penolakan baik dari masyarakat, buruh, aktivis, akademisi, dan praktisi karena dinilai dalam penyusunan RUU Cipta Kerja tersebut memiliki masalah baik secara formil maupun materiil bahkan menurut sebagian ahli RUU Cipta Kerja berpotensi melanggar hak asasi manusia apabila disahkan. Dalam tulisan ini akan dibahas mengenai bagaimana keberadaan omnibus law sebagai salah satu mekanisme pembentukan peraturan perundang-undangan dan bagaimana permasalahan dalam RUU Cipta Kerja. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan peraturan perundang-undangan dan pendekatan perbandingan. Adapun hasil dari penelitian ini adalah adanya analisis terhadap keberadaan omnibus law sebagai salah satu mekanisme pembentukan peraturan perundang-undangan dan adanya suatu gambaran dan sikap kritis terhadap permasalahan RUU Cipta Kerja. Sehingga melalui tulisan ini dapat terlihat apakah penyusunan RUU Cipta Kerja memang diperuntukkan kepentingan rakyat atau hanya demi kepentingan investasi semata yang tentunya akan mengorbankan hak asasi manusia dan merugikan kepentingan nasional.   Kata Kunci:omnibus law, RUU Cipta Kerja, ketenagakerjaan, hak asasi manusia.  


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