The Military Colonization of the Caucasus and Armenia under the Sassanids

1936 ◽  
Vol 8 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 613-618
Author(s):  
J. H. Kramers
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
The North ◽  
The People ◽  
Southern Russia ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Historical Tradition ◽  
The Military

The ancient Arabic historian al-Balāurī (d. 892) begins his chapter on the conquest of Armenia by a description of the political conditions of those regions in Sassanian times. According to the local historical tradition, obtained from inhabitants of several Armenian towns, there had been a time when the people of the Hazars in Southern Russia were making continuous raids over the Caucasus passes and penetrated Persia as far as al-Dīnawar in Media. The first king to take energetic measures against these raids was Kubā (Kawā, 488–531). One of his generals ravaged Arrān (Albania) between the Araxes and the Kura; then Kubā came himself and founded or, better, fortified in this region the towns of al-Baylakān, Bara'a, and Kabala. He erected also a wall of brick which extended from the country of Širwān in the east as far as the pass called Bāb al-Lān, the “Pass of the Alans”. His work was completed by his son Kisrā Anūširwān (usraw I, 531–579), who fortified farther to the north the towns of al-Šābirān and Maskat, and finally the very strong town of al-Bāb wa'1-Abwāb, on the site of the later Derbend.

Abkhazia in books published by Russian authors of the 19th century

2021 ◽  
pp. 13-91
Author(s):  
Vasiliy Sh. Avidzba ◽  
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Ethnic Composition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Structure ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Analytical Review ◽  
History Of ◽  
Southern Russia ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Military

An analytical review of books dedicated to Abkhazia written by the 19th century Russian authors is presented in the article. Information about the history and culture of Abkhazia as well as of other regions of the Caucasus and parts of southern Russia can be found in the publications. The material under review revealed a trend of increasing interest in Abkhazia among Russian authors. If in the first half of the said century, information about Abkhazia had been published only in two books, all other books date back to the second half of the century. Their authors include the military, state officials, publicists, scientists, people of civil professions and religious figures. As a rule, they would write about the history of Abkhazia, the ethnographic and religious condition of the region; they reported on the ethnic composition of the peoples (tribes), the number, borders, monuments of Christian architecture; to a lesser extent, they paid attention to the political structure of the Abkhazian principality. Many of them wrote about the dramatic events of the 1860s and 1870s. Despite the fact that the books included in the review are not scientifically and artistically equivalent, they can serve as a significant source for the study of the history and culture of 19th-century Abkhazia as a whole.

scholarly journals Experimental researches on the emission of oxygen by the pelvic filaments of the male lepidosiren with some experiments on symbranchus marmoratus

1932 ◽  
Vol 110 (766) ◽  
pp. 234-248 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Dissolved Oxygen ◽  
North Coast ◽  
The Political ◽  
Medical College ◽  
The North ◽  
Gran Chaco ◽  
Glass Tubes ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Experimental Researches ◽  
Made In

The stage which the question of the function of the pelvic filaments of the male Lepidosiren had reached before the researches described in this paper can be seen by reference to the paper by Carter and Beadle (1930) and that by Cunningham in the previous year. The researches of Carter and Beadle as well as those previously carried out by Graham Kerr were made in the Gran Chaco of Paraguay, in the swamps of which region Lepidosiren is rather abundant. But when direct experiments on the function of the filaments were contemplated the political conditions made it inadvisable to attempt to visit this region, and it was suggested that Lepidosiren would be found in sufficient abundance on the island of Marajó at the mouth of the River Amazon. No evidence was obtained that the fish had recently been taken in that island, but three specimens, all from the same locality, namely a “papyrus meadow” near Fazenda Dunas on the north coast of the island, were recorded in 1896 and 1898 by Dr. Goeldi, Director and founder of the Muséu Goeldi at Belem. It was therefore decided to organise and carry out an expedition to Marajó. The equipment was prepared in the Physiological Department of the London Hospital Medical College and consisted of large glass tubes from 18 inches to 30 inches in length and 1½ inches to 3 inches in diameter; and weighed quantities in hermetically sealed tubes or bottles of the reagents required for the estimation of dissolved oxygen in water, together with the necessary accessories, and a special pump for obtaining water from below the surface of swamp pools.

A Kingdom Cleared of Castles: the Role of the Castle in the Campaigns of Robert Bruce

2008 ◽  
Vol 87 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID CORNELL
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Capital ◽  
The North ◽  
Edward Ii ◽  
War Effort ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Value

In 1314 the English-held castles of Roxburgh, Edinburgh and Stirling were seized and destroyed by Robert Bruce. This was the pinnacle of a policy by which Bruce systematically slighted the castles he seized in Scotland. The reign of Edward II has been seen as a period in which the military value of the castle was in decline and by analysing the role the castle played in the campaigns of Bruce it is possible to assess the importance a successful contemporary commander attached to the castle during this period. Bruce had first-hand experience of the castle at war and knew of its limitations. In 1306, however, he seized and garrisoned a number of castles preparing to use them for a specific purpose, but defeat in the field rendered them redundant. On his return in 1307 Bruce initiated a policy of destruction. Castles in the north of Scotland were slighted as they were the regional focus of the political power of his Scottish enemies, and militarily they were of little value to Bruce. In the Lowlands the first-rate castles of Scotland were destroyed precisely because they were so militarily powerful. Bruce recognised that these castles, used aggressively, were indispensable to the English war effort, and consequently he undertook a prolonged and expensive campaign to reduce them, a campaign which involved the tactic of both surprise assault and, more importantly, the set-piece siege. In 1314 the imminent English campaign led Bruce to launch an unprecedented offensive against the English-held castles of Roxburgh, Edinburgh and Stirling. These castles were subsequently slighted despite their inextricable association with the Scottish Crown. Bruce recognised that, unlike the English, he did not need to occupy castles in Scotland to fight the war. Although in Ireland a small number of castles were occupied, and Berwick was also garrisoned by Scottish troops, in northern England Bruce did not attempt to occupy English castles. Those which were seized were destroyed, an indication that Bruce never intended a conquest of Northumberland. Indeed Bruce never undertook a serious campaign aimed at the seizure of the first-rate castles of Northumberland despite their frequently perilous state. Instead he sought to gain political capital by threatening their loss and so placing enormous pressure on the English Crown. That the castle featured prominently in the campaigns of Bruce demonstrates it was not in decline. Bruce understood the continued military and political value of the castle, but he was able to exploit its inherent vulnerabilities in order to gain victory in war.

scholarly journals THE HISTORY OF THE GREAT SELJUK STATE IN AZERBAIJANI HISTORIOGRAPHY

Globus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Bayramov
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Cultural Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
South Caucasus ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Caucasus Region ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of

The history of the Seljuk state, which played a significant role in the political, economic and cultural life of the Near and Middle East in the Middle Ages, is one of the most actual problems in Azerbaijani historiography. As it is known, after the establishment of the Seljuk state by the Turks, their main policy was to advance to the west, to seize Anatolia, to turn Anatolia into Turkish lands. The Caucasus region was the gateway to Anatolia. That is why the Caucasus, as well as Azerbaijan was of great military-strategic importance for the Seljuks. After the Dandanekan victory, it was decided at the Congress in Merv to launch new military operations to the East and West. The main target of the attack was Iran, Byzantium and the South Caucasus, because these countries were in political disarray and unable to resist them. Seljuk troops advancing on the Caucasus soon subjugated the local feudal states. The people of Azerbaijan, who have been under the rule of the Seljuk state for more than a century, have played a special role in the political and cultural development of the Seljuk state. However, this problem in national historiography has been a separate research topic only in the second half of the 20th century, which has long been out of sight. The present article is devoted to the study of Seljuk state in Azerbaijani historiography. The article studies the works of prominent Azerbaijani historians Z. Bunyadov, R. Huseynov, N. Akhundova, N.Aliyeva, Sh.Mustafayev, I.Hajiyev, T.Dostiyev and others, who have done research in this area since the second half of the twentieth to the first decade of the twenty-first century and their role in the study of the history of the great state in the medieval Muslim East, the Seljuk State, has been defined

scholarly journals A Valor-Bonded Unity: Participation of Ethnic Minorities’ Representatives in the Battles for Kuban and Crimea (1941–1943)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Н.Ф. Бугай
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Ethnic Communities ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
The North ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Military ◽  
Military Units

В статье на основе исследований российских ученых, архивных документов, воспоминаний рассматривается слабо изученная в отечественной историографии проблема участия представителей этнических меньшинств в битвах за Кавказ и Крым в ходе Великой Отечественной войны. В качестве примера автором избраны этнические общности курдов и корейцев. Использованы историко-генетический, историко-биографический и системно-исторический методы. Изучены меры советского командования по формированию национальных воинских подразделений; реконструированы биографии героев войны – корейцев и курдов, участвовавших в освобождении Юга России и получивших боевые награды; прослежена их послевоенная судьба; рассмотрены репрессивные действия советского правительства по отношению к военнослужащим некоторых национальностей. Автор заключает, что представители разных народов СССР, столкнувшись с врагом, проявили стремление к единству и добровольное желание выступить на защиту государства, которое они избрали своей Родиной. The aim of the article is to reconstruct the biographies of participants in the Great Patriotic War (1941–1945), who belonged to ethnic minorities and fought for the liberation of the Caucasus and Crimea from Nazi invaders. As an example, the author selected ethnic communities of Kurds and Koreans. The study was conducted on the basis of research by Russian scholars, archival documents, and memoirs of direct participants in the events. The historical-genetic, historical-biographical and system-historical methods were used. The measures of the Soviet command for the formation of national military units were studied, the biographies of war heroes, Koreans and Kurds who participated in the liberation of the South of Russia and received military awards (including the title Hero of the Soviet Union) were reconstructed. The author describes in detail the military clashes during which these fighters showed military prowess, presents their photographs, and traces their further military path, post-war fate and forms of their memory perpetuation. Quotations from the war veterans’ front-line letters and their relatives’ memoirs are given. The repressive actions of the Soviet government towards the military personnel of certain nationalities, who after the demobilization received the status of “special settlers” and lost their military tickets and award sheets, are also considered. The author emphasizes that the fight against the enemy was a test of strength for the unity of the peoples living in the Caucasus and Crimea. Examples of civic solidarity in the fight against the enemy shown by ethnic minorities in the early days of the war (mass enrollment in volunteers, holding civil rallies) are given. It is noted that representatives of local ethnic communities became the basis of 12 military units that were at the forefront of the defenders of the Caucasus. The paradoxical nature of the situation in which USSR citizens were repressed for various (often far-fetched) reasons is stated; however, during the war they still heroically fought against Nazism with arms in their hands. The author connects the repressions against members of the ethnic minorities with the ethnosocial policy pursued by the Soviet state, as well as the spread of desertion and draft evasion in the North Caucasus and Crimea. It is concluded that representatives of ethnic minorities living in the USSR, faced with the enemy, showed a desire for unity and a voluntary desire to defend the state, which they chose as their homeland.

The age of ‘Agricolamania’: early modern uses and abuses of Tacitus’ Agricola

2020 ◽  
pp. 131-148
Author(s):  
Alan Montgomery
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
The Political ◽  
Roman Britain ◽  
Historical Information ◽  
Literary Source ◽  
The North ◽  
The Military

The Agricola of Tacitus is the most extensive surviving ancient literary source on Roman Britain, and much of it deals with the Roman general Agricola’s conquest of Caledonia. Apparently providing evidence of the military prowess and civilising intentions of Rome whilst also describing a brave Caledonian hero named Calgacus, the text could be interpreted differently according to the political and patriotic affiliations of its early modern readers. As chapter seven will reveal, the Agricola would become something of an obsession amongst Scotland’s antiquarians, providing historical information on Roman exploits in the north but also lacking key geographical and historical details, encouraging conjecture which sometimes tipped into pure fantasy. As a result, a phenomenon christened ‘Agricolamania’ had already been noted by the end of the eighteenth century.

1918–1920

2021 ◽  
pp. 137-150
Author(s):  
Daniel-Joseph MacArthur-Seal
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
The Future ◽  
National Movements ◽  
Southern Russia ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City

The sub-chapter traces major military and political developments in the eastern Mediterranean in 1918–1920, beginning with the arrival of British and Allied forces in Istanbul. It sketches out the political debate over the future of the city and wider Ottoman Empire through the series of Allied diplomatic meetings that set out the terms of what would become the Treaty of Sèvres. The chapter also summarises developments in Anatolia following the Greek occupation of Izmir in May 1919, the reaction to which crystalized the emerging nationalist movement in Anatolia, and in southern Russia and the Caucasus, where Bolshevik and White Russian forces competed for control with non-Russian national movements. Finally, it outlines the political debate over the future of Egypt and the impact of the revolution of 1919, one of a growing number of anti-colonial uprisings which Britain was forced to contend with in the period.

Europe and the Nato Shield

1958 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arnold Wolfers
Keyword(s):  
North Atlantic ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Military Alliance ◽  
The North ◽  
Reasonable Degree ◽  
Economic Collaboration ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Military

Pressures to extend the activities of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) into fields other than the military, or actually to shift the emphasis to political, economic, and cultural objectives, have been so strong in recent years that one wonders whether there has not been a growing tendency, particularly in Europe, to lose sight of the purpose for which NATO was established and which makes it vital to the United States. Essentially, NATO is a multilateral military alliance for the protection of western and southern Europe against Soviet conquest, a means of denying these areas and their resources to the Soviets. If the members of the alliance, on one side or the other of the Atlantic, were ever to reach the conclusion that the threat of military attack from the east had vanished or that it could not be countered effectively by common military effort, NATO would have lost its original raison d'être, though it might be continued for the sake of what today are secondary non-military functions, such as political conciliation and economic collaboration. It should be added that the primacy of the military purpose of NATO, as it exists today, does not preclude the desirability or even the necessity of extending its scope beyond purely military matters. As Ruth C. Lawson has pointed out, there is little hope for reliable military collaboration among countries ohat do not succeed in attaining a reasonable degree of harmony between their political aims and policies. Cyprus, Suez, and Algeria are symptomatic of the problems NATO faces in the political field.

scholarly journals Political Communication of Legislative Candidate in Affecting Political Participation in the North Aceh District (Komunikasi Politik Calon Legislatif dalam Memengaruhi Partisipasi Politik Masyarakat di Kabupaten Aceh Utara)

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Nfn Fauzi
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Survey Method ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Political Messages ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
The North ◽  
The People ◽  
And Behavior

This study discusses the political communication of legislative candidates in influencing the political participation of the community in North Aceh District. Political communication is a process of communication or the process of giving symbols or symbols of communication containing political messages that have implications affect the attitudes and behavior of audiences who become political targets. Legislative candidates are elected by the general election through legislative elections normally proposed by political parties. This research uses survey method with mixmethod approach, quantitative and qualitative. Based on the results of the research, political communication of legislative candidates influences the political participation of the people in Aceh Utara Regency by 33.2% and the rest is influenced by other things that are not examined. Coefficient of positive value means the more effective political communication of legislative candidates, then the increasing political participation of the community. Likewise, the results of interviews with political figures show that political messages are arranged in such a way by the legislative candidates submitted at the time of the campaign either face to face or through mass media and the ability to communicate or convey messages may affect the participation of the people to vote for the legislative candidate in legislative elections.Penelitian ini membahas mengenai komunikasi politik calon legislatif dalam memengaruhi partisipasi politik masyarakat di Kabupaten Aceh Utara. Komunikasi politik merupakan suatu proses komunikasi atau proses pemberian lambang-lambang atau simbol-simbol komunikasi yang berisikan pesan-pesan politik yang memiliki implikasi memengaruhi sikap dan tingkah laku khalayak yang menjadi target politik. Calon legislatif dipilih masyarakat melalui pemilihan umum legislatif yang biasanya diajukan oleh partai politik. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode survei dengan pendekatan mixmethod, kuantitatif dan kualitatif. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, komunikasi politik calon legislatif memengaruhi partisipasi politik masyarakat di Kabupaten Aceh Utara sebesar 33,2% dan sisanya dipengaruhi hal-hal lain yang tidak diteliti. Koefisien bernilai positif artinya semakin efektif komunikasi politik calon legislatif, maka semakin meningkat partisipasi politik masyarakat. Begitu juga dengan hasil wawancara dengan tokoh politik menunjukkan bahwa pesan-pesan politik yang disusun dengan sedemikian rupa oleh calon legislatif yang disampaikan pada saat kampanye baik secara tatap muka maupun melalui media massa dan kemampuan berkomunikasi atau menyampaikan pesan dapat memengaruhi partisipasi masyarakat untuk memilih calon legislatif tersebut dalam pemilu legislatif.

scholarly journals The Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and Its Policy Towards the Terek and Dagestan (the Second Half of 1919 – the beginning of 1920)

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 1140-1173
Author(s):  
Arsen M. Kambiev
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The Political ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Complex Issue ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The North ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article examines the little-studied and complex issue of relations between the new Caucasian state entities during the collapse of the Russian Empire and the following Civil War. The Revolution of 1917 led to the appearance on the political map of the Caucasus and Transcaucasia of a number of new state entities that fought for the recognition of their sovereignty. However, the political and military chaos in the region hindered both the internal process of consolidation of the self-proclaimed states, the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and the Mountainous Republic of the North Caucasus in particular, and their entry into the international community. The civil war in Russia and the confrontation between the Red and the White forces instigated even more contradictions. Transcaucasian countries, primarily Azerbaijan and Georgia, support both the insurrectionary movement in the Terek-Dagestan region and the leaders of the overthrown Mountainous Republic who stayed in their territory. However, any attempts to create stable allied military, political and economic relations, undertaken by the leaders of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and the Mountainous Republic, were not successful.

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