scholarly journals Public Opinion in Africa

Author(s):  
Jeffrey Conroy-Krutz

Projects to measure public opinion in Africa have increased considerably in the last two decades. Earlier data-collection efforts focused on health and economic development, with limited attempts to gauge public opinion before the late 1990s. Possibilities expanded as a wave of political liberalizations swept the continent after the Cold War, and as government limitations on speech freedoms and survey research loosened. Knowledge about public opinion remains uneven, however; more surveys are conducted in wealthier, more stable, and more democratic countries. Various actors are leading these efforts. Academic and research organizations have been at the forefront, with Afrobarometer, which has conducted surveys in about two-thirds of African countries since 1999, the most prominent. The majority of studies are conducted by for-profit companies, media houses, and political campaigns, and many results are never publicly released. The growth in surveys of public opinion in Africa has had important ramifications across a number of realms. Academics have developed and tested new theories on how Africans respond to and shape their political and economic systems, and some long-standing theories have been challenged with newly available empirical evidence. Candidates and parties attempt to measure public opinion as they develop mobilizational and persuasive campaign strategies. Election observers have used survey data collected before and after voting to assess whether official results comport with citizens’ preferences. And international and domestic policymakers have increasingly used public opinion data from Africa to determine economic and political development priorities, and to assess the effectiveness of various programs. However, there is evidence that the survey enterprise in Africa is becoming increasingly politicized, with some officials attempting to block the release of potentially embarrassing results, or preventing surveys from being conducted altogether, and other political actors attacking survey organizations when they do not like what the data show. As organizations conducting public opinion surveys in Africa modify their strategies in the face of new technologies and changing political contexts, the ever-increasing availability of data on what Africans think about how their countries are and should be governed continues to fundamentally change academic understanding, policymaking, and actual political competition.

Author(s):  
Jeffrey Conroy-Krutz

In the last two decades, there has been a significant increase in the number of public opinion surveys in Africa. While experts on economic development and health had long been collecting individual-, household-, and community-level data on the continent, efforts to gather information on what Africans thought about their governments, societies, and political and economic situations, more broadly, were limited before the late 1990s. Certainly, this expansion was enabled by the wave of political liberalizations that hit most African countries at the end of the Cold War, thus creating conditions under which citizens could be more open in discussing attitudes and behaviors, particularly with regard to politics. However, it also coincided with a growth in the popularity of public opinion surveys globally. The distribution of data-collection efforts has not been uniform across countries: more surveys have been conducted in countries with higher levels of economic development, political openness, and security, such as Kenya, Ghana, and South Africa, than in more challenging settings, such as Eritrea, Chad, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Thus, our knowledge of what Africans think about politics and economics varies significantly from country to country. Myriad organizations have been involved in these efforts. Academic organizations, both on the African continent and overseas, have been at the forefront of such work in Africa. The most prominent among these has been the Afrobarometer, which has conducted dozens of surveys, in about two thirds of the continent’s countries, since 1999. The majority of studies, however, are made up of contributions by other entities, including for-profit companies, media houses, and even political campaigns. In total, these surveys vary in their methodologies, focuses, quality, and the accessibility of their data for researchers, policymakers, and the general public. These developments have had significant impacts on academic studies, policymaking, and even countries’ domestic politics. Surveys have improved understandings of Africans’ attitudes, assessments of the status quos in their respective countries, decision-making processes, and hopes and priorities for the future. For academics, these data have provided new opportunities for testing theories—oftentimes upending or at least complicating extant conventional wisdom—and catalyzing the development of new research programs. Candidates and parties use enhanced understandings of the electorate to develop different persuasive strategies. Governments frequently attempt to control, limit, or strategically use survey enterprises. Media in some countries regularly report on popular attitudes and campaign-time “horse races.” In some instances, the release and interpretation of public opinion data have become quite politicized. And election observers frequently propose collection of public opinion data before elections as a guard against flagrant rigging. In sum, these developments have, in myriad ways, fundamentally changed how African countries are studied and governed.


2009 ◽  
pp. 27-42
Author(s):  
Jean Lpuis Briquet

- According to the standard thesis, the political crisis in Italy between 1992 and 1994 and the collapse of the Christian Democrat regime are related to the revelation of corruption of the political elite by the judiciary. However, judicial revelations and corruption scandals have regularly occurred in Italy, before and after this crisis, without provoking a drastic political change and the reject of the political system by the electorate. Considering this paradox, the article suggests an alternate account of the 1992-1994 events that underline the way in which the political competition had been affected by the scandals: the moral crusades against corruption had in this period a political impact because they had been relayed and supported by emerging political actors in order to challenge the established elites and to claim a leading role in reshaping the political system.


Modern Italy ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Filippo Tronconi ◽  
Christophe Roux

The aim of this article is to describe the evolution of the Italian regional party systems 25 years after the establishment of 15 Ordinary Statute regions and five years after the implementation of a major Constitutional reform increasing the powers of the regions and the visibility of regional political actors. The theoretical point of departure of the article is the second order election model originally applied to European elections to highlight their dependence on the national political level. The article begins by showing that this model has been applicable for regional elections only since the mid-1990s, a finding that goes against the conventional wisdom. The article then explains the structure of regional political competition through the analysis of two phenomena, fragmentation and differentiation, and the way they are correlated, stressing the changing pattern of competition before and after the breakdown of the First Republic.


Author(s):  
O. Yatchuk ◽  
N. Kodatska

<div><p><em>The article presents the dynamics of the main factors for the development of modern television, the transition from traditional technologies of television broadcasting to the latest technologies. The process of developing digital television and broadband has been technically determined to address the challenge of integrating new technologies into traditional TV content. Ways of expanding the possibilities of interaction between the viewer and the television producer in the context of overcoming the crisis of traditional technologies are analyzed. It is determined that integration, development of mobile communications and Internet technologies are a hallmark of the modern world media space and have a significant influence on the formation of public opinion. The analysis of actual media researches concerning problems of the theory of mass communication is carried out. The phenomenon of «social television», which combines watching TV with simultaneous communication in social networks, is considered. The author draws attention to the disclosure of the determining factors of media communication, the study of the process of feedback from viewers on television. It is stated that the development of modern technologies, namely digital broadcasting and introduction of broadband Internet access to create a multimedia platform that combines Internet communication services and television content, contributes to improving the mechanism of interaction between the TV and the viewer. The theory of the conceptualization of journalism based on identity construction is examined: journalists understand their audience and, as members of that audience, connect with their communities. An analysis of integrated journalistic activity is conducted, which consists of three stages: gathering, editing and disseminating information. It is determined that the influence of the Internet allows the consumer to play his or her role at each stage, thus helping the journalist determine the degree of relevance of the story to himself and to the potential audience. The common features of modern telecontent were singled out and a comparative analysis of the trend of development of interactive TV programs of the USA, UK and Ukraine was made.</em></p></div><p><strong><em>Key words:</em></strong><em> public opinion, two-vector communication, feedback, communication methods, television audience, country telephony.</em></p>


GEOgraphia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (41) ◽  
pp. 24
Author(s):  
Elson Luciano Silva Pires ◽  
Lucas Labigalini Fuini ◽  
Wilson Bento Figueiredo Filho ◽  
Eugênio Lima Mendes

A palavra governança não é nova. Ela perpassa por diversos períodos da história e assume significados específicos em determinadas épocas e países. Atualmente, o conceito de governança designa todos os procedimentos institucionais das relações de poder e das formas de gestão públicas ou privadas, tanto formais como informais, que regem a ação política dos atores. O objetivo deste artigo é problematizar os fatores explicativos das teorias institucionalistas que tratam a governança territorial como uma condição necessária para estabelecer compromissos entre os atores, com vistas ao desenvolvimento econômico, social e político das metrópoles, das cidades e seus territórios locais e regionais. Enfrentar as lacunas do debate acadêmico e coadunar os conceitos da literatura internacional referente à governança territorial, em especial a de matriz francesa, com a nacional, são um dos principais contributos deste artigo. REVISITING TERRITORIAL GOVERNANCE: INSTITUTIONAL DEVICES, INTERMEDIATE NOTIONS AND REGULATORY LEVELS Abstract The word governance is not new. It goes through different periods of history and takes specific meanings in certain times and countries. Currently, the concept of governance can be defined as institutional procedures of power relations and of public or private forms of management, which can be formal as well as informal, that govern political actions of political actors. The purpose of this article is to analyze the explanatory factors of institutionalist theories that approach territorial governance as a necessary condition to establish compromises among actors, seeking an economic, social, and political development of metropolis, cities, and their regional and local territories. One of the main contribution of this paper is to address the gaps in academic debate, and to relate national Brazilian concepts to international literature concerning territorial governance, in particular the French theoretical framework. Keywords: Institutional forms; territorial governance; modes of regulation. LA GOUVERNANCE TERRITORIALE REVISEE: DISPOSITIFS INSTITUTIONNELS, NOTIONS INTERMÉDIAIRES ET NIVEAUX DE RÉGULATION Resumé Le mot gouvernance n'est pas nouveau. Il traverse diverses périodes de l'histoire et prend des significations spécifiques à certains moments et pays. Actuellement, le concept de gouvernance désigne toutes les procédures institutionnelles de relations de pouvoir et de formes de gestion publiques ou privées, formelles ou informelles, qui régissent l'action politique des acteurs. L'objectif de cet article est de problématiser les facteurs explicatifs des théories institutionnalistes qui traitent la gouvernance territoriale comme une condition nécessaire pour établir des compromis entre les acteurs, en vue du développement économique, social et politique de la métropole, des villes et de leurs territoires locaux et régionaux. Faire face aux lacunes du débat académique en accord avec les concepts de la littérature internationale sur la gouvernance territoriale, notamment la matrice française, avec la matrice nationale, sont l'une des contributions majeures de cet article. Mots-clés: Formes institutionnelles; gouvernance territoriale; modes de régulations


Author(s):  
Michael Franz

This chapter focuses on traditional political ads in US elections, in particular those most often airing on broadcast television stations, investigating three key questions: Have traditional political ads reached a tipping point, as new technologies and voter targeting opportunities shift the resource allocation of campaigns? Do traditional political ads work in changing minds and mobilizing voters, and how might those opportunities for persuasion and mobilization change as media engagement diversifies? Finally, what is the issue content of traditional political ads, and how does the content vary across platforms? All told, despite fast-developing change in opportunities for political actors to reach voters, television advertising remains a critically important strategy for campaigns and their political allies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (S1) ◽  
pp. 116-116
Author(s):  
M Pires ◽  
A Antunes ◽  
C Gameiro ◽  
C Pombo

Community-focused programs that promote active and healthy aging can help preserve cognitive capacities, prevent or reverse cognitive deficits. Computer-based cognitive training (CCT) is a promising non-pharmacological, cost -effective and accessible intervention to face the effects of age-related cognitive decline. Previous studies proved CCT to have equal or better efficacy compared to traditional interventions. This comparative multifactorial study aims to test the efficacy of a CCT in a non-randomized community sample of 74 older adults: G1-CCT Experimental group (n=43) (Mean age M=72.21, SD=12.65) and G2- Paper-Pencil Control group (n=31; M=77.94, SD=10.51). Pensioners (97.3%), mostly women (83.8 %) with basic education (51.4%) and without dementia diagnosis, completed a cognitive training program of 17 or 34 group sessions (twice a week). G2 undertook a classic cognitive paper-pencil stimuli tasks. G1, performed, additionally, individual CCT with COGWEB® in a multimodal format (intensive training of attention, calculation, memory, gnosis, praxis, executive functions). Both groups completed Portuguese versions of Mini -Mental State Examination (MMSE),Montreal Cognitive Assessment (MOCA); Geriatric Depressive Scale (GDS); Mini Dependence Assessment (MDA); WHOOQL 5 and Social Support Satisfaction Scale (ESSS) before and after participating in the program. Both groups reported better post-test scores on basic cognitive functions (MMSE, MOCA), Depression symptoms (GDS-30), subjective well-being and quality of life (WHOOQL-5). G1 presented higher MOCA and lower GDS scores before and after CCT, although, group differences become less expressive when interaction effects are considered. Results are in line with findings from past studies, CCT supported by the new technologies, is as a relevant cost-effective therapeutic tool for health professionals working with older adults. Particularly for preventive purposes of neuro-cognitive disorders.


Sensors ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (14) ◽  
pp. 4663
Author(s):  
Janaina Cavalcanti ◽  
Victor Valls ◽  
Manuel Contero ◽  
David Fonseca

An effective warning attracts attention, elicits knowledge, and enables compliance behavior. Game mechanics, which are directly linked to human desires, stand out as training, evaluation, and improvement tools. Immersive virtual reality (VR) facilitates training without risk to participants, evaluates the impact of an incorrect action/decision, and creates a smart training environment. The present study analyzes the user experience in a gamified virtual environment of risks using the HTC Vive head-mounted display. The game was developed in the Unreal game engine and consisted of a walk-through maze composed of evident dangers and different signaling variables while user action data were recorded. To demonstrate which aspects provide better interaction, experience, perception and memory, three different warning configurations (dynamic, static and smart) and two different levels of danger (low and high) were presented. To properly assess the impact of the experience, we conducted a survey about personality and knowledge before and after using the game. We proceeded with the qualitative approach by using questions in a bipolar laddering assessment that was compared with the recorded data during the game. The findings indicate that when users are engaged in VR, they tend to test the consequences of their actions rather than maintaining safety. The results also reveal that textual signal variables are not accessed when users are faced with the stress factor of time. Progress is needed in implementing new technologies for warnings and advance notifications to improve the evaluation of human behavior in virtual environments of high-risk surroundings.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (Supplement_3) ◽  
pp. iii461-iii461
Author(s):  
Andrea Carai ◽  
Angela Mastronuzzi ◽  
Giovanna Stefania Colafati ◽  
Paul Voicu ◽  
Nicola Onorini ◽  
...  

Abstract Tridimensional (3D) rendering of volumetric neuroimaging is increasingly been used to assist surgical management of brain tumors. New technologies allowing immersive virtual reality (VR) visualization of obtained models offer the opportunity to appreciate neuroanatomical details and spatial relationship between the tumor and normal neuroanatomical structures to a level never seen before. We present our preliminary experience with the Surgical Theatre, a commercially available 3D VR system, in 60 consecutive neurosurgical oncology cases. 3D models were developed from volumetric CT scans and MR standard and advanced sequences. The system allows the loading of 6 different layers at the same time, with the possibility to modulate opacity and threshold in real time. Use of the 3D VR was used during preoperative planning allowing a better definition of surgical strategy. A tailored craniotomy and brain dissection can be simulated in advanced and precisely performed in the OR, connecting the system to intraoperative neuronavigation. Smaller blood vessels are generally not included in the 3D rendering, however, real-time intraoperative threshold modulation of the 3D model assisted in their identification improving surgical confidence and safety during the procedure. VR was also used offline, both before and after surgery, in the setting of case discussion within the neurosurgical team and during MDT discussion. Finally, 3D VR was used during informed consent, improving communication with families and young patients. 3D VR allows to tailor surgical strategies to the single patient, contributing to procedural safety and efficacy and to the global improvement of neurosurgical oncology care.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nina Klimburg-Witjes ◽  
Frederik C. Huettenrauch

AbstractCurrent European innovation and security policies are increasingly channeled into efforts to address the assumed challenges that threaten European societies. A field in which this has become particularly salient is digitized EU border management. Here, the framework of responsible research and innovation (RRI) has recently been used to point to the alleged sensitivity of political actors towards the contingent dimensions of emerging security technologies. RRI, in general, is concerned with societal needs and the engagement and inclusion of various stakeholder groups in the research and innovation processes, aiming to anticipate undesired consequences of and identifying socially acceptable alternatives for emerging technologies. However, RRI has also been criticized as an industry-driven attempt to gain societal legitimacy for new technologies. In this article, we argue that while RRI evokes a space where different actors enter co-creative dialogues, it lays bare the specific challenges of governing security innovation in socially responsible ways. Empirically, we draw on the case study of BODEGA, the first EU funded research project to apply the RRI framework to the field of border security. We show how stakeholders involved in the project represent their work in relation to RRI and the resulting benefits and challenges they face. The paper argues that applying the framework to the field of (border) security lays bare its limitations, namely that RRI itself embodies a political agenda, conceals alternative experiences by those on whom security is enacted upon and that its key propositions of openness and transparency are hardly met in practice due to confidentiality agreements. Our hope is to contribute to work on RRI and emerging debates about how the concept can (or cannot) be contextualized for the field of security—a field that might be more in need than any other to consider the ethical dimension of its activities.


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