scholarly journals Political Accountability in the Republic of Kosovo

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (11) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Murat Jashari

Political accountability is the most specific type of social accountability for the fact that it lacks a normative legal aspect and that it derives mainly from the behavior, not from an opportunistic attitude or disclosure of specific subject in relation to the expectations of the body or institution or the relevant electoral body. Political accountability is the conditio sine quo non (indispensable condition) to a democratic system of government. Hence the Kosovo Government on the merits of the constitutional aspect has accepted this institute. It is precisely this institute of political accountability that will be the topic of this paper taking into account the responsibilities of the executive government in relation to the legislative, as well as the political accountability of those elected in relation to the voters. The accountability of the President will be treated in the framework of constitutional accountability, and that of the Government in the framework of parliamentary accountability.

2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Alfi Hafidh Ishaqro ◽  
Alamsyah Alamsyah ◽  
Dewi Yuliati

Through historical method, this article studies the Shifts in Political Ideological Orientation of Masyumi Party during the Liberal Democracy Era 1950–1959. The shifted orientations of Masyumi Party included a shif of orientation in its principle, form of government and the government executive system.The establishment of Masyumi Party was the apex of the Japanese concern in trying to map the axis of the powers of various groups in Indonesia. The formations of PUTERA, which bore the nationalist inclination and MIAI, which tended to accommodate urban Muslims were not attractive enough to win the hearts and empathy from the Indonesian native communities for its occupation in Indonesia. Masyumi Party made Islam as a its struggling principle, not only as a symbol  but also tha ideology and spirits in conducting the various siyasah preaches within the scope of political struggles. Numerous internal dynamics were then occuring in the body Masymi Party. The Party’s change in its orientation began to be visible, indicated by the idea suggested by M. Natsir to formulate the Constitution or Law of General Election.The formation of the General Election Law made M. Natsir and Masyumi the symbol of the establishment and growth of democracy in the Republic of Indonesia, which became more evident when M. Natsir was ousted and the subsequent working cabinet heads failed to hold a General Election. And finally, at the end of 1955 under the leadership of Burhanuddin Harahap, who was himself a Masyumi figure, a general election was held for the first time. The political attitude shown by Masyumi indicated that Masumi Party had shifted its political orientation. Masyumi Party, which originally struggled to implement Islam by employing the Syura in forming a government was helplessly compromising its principle by following and combining itself into a democracy model the initiator of which was the leader of Masyumi Party itself. Such political behavioral changes were associated with the reasoning of the then leaders of Masyumi Party, who tended to accommodative and excessively compromising. 


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arun Jacob

The main objective behind the parliamentary practice of Question Period is to ensure that the government is held accountable to the people. Rather than being a political accountability tool and a showcase of public discourse, these deliberations are most often displays of vitriolic political rhetoric. I will be focusing my research on the ways in which incivil political discourse permeates the political mediascape with respect to one instance in Canadian politics - the acquisition of the F-35 Lightning II Joint Strike Fighter. I believe that incivility in the political discourse of Question Period must be understood within the mechanics of the contemporary public sphere. By interrogating the complexities of how political discourse is being mediatized, produced and consumed within the prevailing ideological paradigms, I identify some of the contemporary social, cultural and political practices that produce incivility in parliamentary discourse.


Author(s):  
Marian Kallas

The article begins with a succinct characteristic of the political position of the Council of Ministers as determined by the Constitution of the Republic of Poland dated 2 April 1997. The next portion of the text discusses the constitutional program of the Prawo i Sprawiedliwość [PiS, Eng. Law and Justice] party in 2003. It is an introduction to presenting the suggested political position of the government in non-parliamentary party projects of the Constitution in the years 2004–2013 (five texts publically available). Particular attention was devoted to PiS drafts of the Basic Law of 2005 and 2010 as coming from the ruling party in the years 2005–2007 and again since 2015.


2020 ◽  
pp. 77-100
Author(s):  
Brian Walters

Chapter 4 examines claims in republican oratory and letters that the body politic was dead, dying, or would have died, if not for some timely intervention. To some degree, invocations of the republic’s death overlap with the images of wounding and disease explored in earlier chapters, to which at least a few are directly connected. The suggestion of urgency and permanence and the complex emotional resonances evoked by death, however, also often impart meanings of their own. References to the body politic’s demise are particularly common not only in invective but also in consolatory contexts, as Cicero’s letters to and from friends in the period of the civil wars (from 49 to 45 BCE) and Caesar’s dictatorship poignantly show. Common assumptions that Rome’s republic ought to have been undying lent further significance to statements about the political body’s death.


2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 223-252
Author(s):  
Milan Rapajić

One of the characteristics of the system of government in the Fifth French Republic is the strengthened position of the head of state, but also the existence of the first minister as a constitutional category with a significant role. The constitution provides the political responsibility of the government with the Prime Minister and ministers before parliament. Certain French writers have opinion that the Prime Minister appears as the central figure of the constitutional structure. The Prime Minister shall direct the actions of the Government. This is 21 of Constitution. Also, there are specific powers that put the Prime Minister in the position of its real head of government. Among the prime minister's most important powers is his right to elect members of the government. It is the right to propose to the President of the Republic the appointment but also the dismissal of members of the government. The Prime Minister is authorized to re-sign certain acts of the President of the Republic. In case of temporary impediment of the head of state, the Prime Minister chairs the councils and committees for national defense, as well as the Council of Ministers. The paper analyzes the constitutional provisions that lead to the conclusion that the position of the Prime Minister is institutionally constructed as strong. Political practice, with the exception of periods of cohabitation, has indicated that most prime ministers have been overshadowed by mostly powerful heads of state. For that reason, it is necessary to analyze the political practice of all eight presidential governments. A review of the already long political life that has lasted since 1958. points to the conclusion that in its longest period, presidents of the Republic dominated the public political scene. The Prime Minister has a more pronounced role in the executive branch during cohabitation periods. However, nine years in three cohabitations cannot change the central conclusion of this paper that the dominant political practice of the Fifth Republic has led to the Prime Minister being essentially in the shadow of the head of state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-51
Author(s):  
M. Ya'kub Aiyub Kadir

This paper is a reflection of the peace agreement between the Free Aceh Movement and the Government of Indonesia from 2005 to 2018. There have been improvement after a decade but there are still challenges that must be realized. The Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (known as Helsinky peace agreement) on 15 August 2005 resulted a consensus that Aceh could have greater rights than before, as stipulated in the Law on Governing Aceh number 11/2006. Thus, Aceh has more authorities to redefine the political, economic, social and cultural status in the Republic of Indonesia system. This paper attempts to analyze this problem through a historical description of the movement of the Acehnese people, in the hope of contributing to increasing understanding of the concept of the Helsinki peace agreement in the context of sustainable peace and welfare improvement for the people of Aceh


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Sokol Pacukaj ◽  
Renata Tokrri

The last years of Albanian parliamentary life were marked by a profound crisis. The parliament, not only had the task of managing a constitutional reform that brought the entire judicial system to its knees, transforming the vetting process into a reform with uncertain results, but also the political crisis, or rather the political-institutional stalemate for leaving the mandates of opposition parliamentarians.The failure to reach the quorum provided by the Constitution of the Republic of Albania, it raises considerable controversy over the legitimacy of the supreme authority and therefore on the legitimacy of institutions that depend on parliamentary votes, such as the election of constitutional judges. At the same time, when the "united opposition" left parliament, the new opposition was trying to keep up with parliamentary dialectics. Moreover, in recent years of parliamentary "identity crisis", the majority have resembled a "group of soldiers" under the command of the Prime Minister. Clearly, Parliament has weakened, lost its value, leading to a strengthening of the executive power, more precisely a strengthening of the figure of the head of government. Without a doubt, the crisis of Parliament translates into an inability of the people's representatives to solve the problems that are present in civil society. Consequently, the crisis of Parliament means a "silent people", a "mute people".The purpose of this document is the constitutional-philosophical analysis of historical memory of the role of Parliament in Albania from the Declaration of Independence to the present day. Perhaps historical memory is the key to reading the present and to better understand the crisis that Albanian Parliament has been going through in recent years.   Received: 4 March 2021 / Accepted: 6 May 2021 / Published: 8 July 2021


Author(s):  
О.А. Дженчакова

В статье рассматриваются истоки возникновения вопроса Кабинды как затянувшегося территориального спора между официальными властями Республики Ангола и действующей на территории анклава Кабинда сепаратистски настроенной организацией — Фронта освобождения государства Кабинда, а также ее различными фракциями. Отмечается влияние геополитического фактора и нефтяных запасов на ситуацию в провинции, рассматриваются исторически обусловленные предпосылки и формально-правовые основания возникновения данного спора. Анализируются цели и методы борьбы, применяемые сепаратистами, отмечается их разобщенность, противоречивость действий в отношении правительства в Луанде. Отражены взгляды высшего руководства страны на данную проблему, приведены некоторые меры, принимаемые правительством для урегулирования вопроса. Прослеживается динамика развития ситуации в последние годы, а именно перегруппировка сил сепаратистов, создание ими новой организация — Движение за независимость Кабинды, активисты которой уже включились в политическую борьбу и призывают к самоопределению провинции. В статье делаются некоторые прогнозы относительно развития событий вокруг анклава. The article focuses on the sources of the Cabinda issue as a long-lasting territorial argument between the authorities of the Republic of Angola and the Front for the Liberation of the Cabinda Enclave, a pro-separatist organization functioning in the territory of the Cabinda enclave and its fractions. The article highlights the significance of the geopolitical factor and oil reserves and their influence on the situation in the province. It treats historical prerequisites and formal legal basis of the argument. The article analyzes the aim and methods of struggle used by separatists. It underlines the inconsistency of their actions aimed at challenging the government in Luanda. The article describes Angolan authorities’ views on the problem and dwells on some measures taken by the government to regulate the issue. The article assesses the development of the situation throughout recent years. It focuses on the regrouping of the separatist forces, on the creation of a new organization called Independence Movement of Cabinda, whose activists are involved in the political struggle and call for national self-determination. The article makes a few predictions associated with enclave-related developments.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-191
Author(s):  
Djoni Gunanto

Abstract In the body of political parties in Indonesia, it cannot be denied that there are oligarchies that can affect the nomination and candidacy mechanisms so that they do not work as they should. nomination of candidates by political parties is often based on the wishes of the political party elite, not based on the quality and integrity of the candidates. Political dynasties strengthen networks of power from the regional to the central level, whose orientation is to maintain power within political parties. The purpose of this research is to reveal comprehensively about the developing political dynasties in Indonesia. This research method is a literature review study, by exploring legal products, journals, articles, and documents. The data collection technique is done by noting literature sources. The research analysis was carried out using a qualitative approach using the content analysis model. The results of the study, political dynasties in Indonesia were carried out in two ways: by design and by accident. The political dynasty by design has been around for a long time. Relatively, the network of familism in government is already strong, so that relatives who enter the government or participate in political contestation have been arranged in such a way as to engineer the success of their goals. As for the political dynasty by accident occurs in a situation of succession of government which suddenly nominates relatives to replace them in order to maintain informal power over their successors if they win in political contestation. Dynastic politics can actually be accepted and not questioned as long as the recruitment and selection system for candidates in political contestation in Indonesia runs fairly and professionally. Therefore, the determination of candidates or candidates in political contestation in Indonesia must be based on a meritocratic system, which gives more rights to anyone with good achievements and track records to occupy strategic seats in government. Keywords: Politics, Dynasty, Candidate, regional elections Abstrak Di tubuh partai politik di Indonesia tidak dapat dipungkiri adanya oligarki yang dapat mempengaruhi mekanisme pencalonan dan kandidasi sehingga tidak berjalan sebagaimana mestinya. pencalonan kandidat oleh partai politik seringkali seringkali berdasarkan keinginan elit partai politik, bukan berdasarkan kualitas dan integritas calon. Dinasti politik memperkuat jaringan kekuasaan mulai dari tingkat daerah hingga pusat, yang orientasinya mempertahankan kekuasaan dalam tubuh partai politik. Tujuan penelitian, ini untuk mengungkap secara komprehensif tentang dinasti politik yang berkembang di Indonesia. Metode Penelitian ini merupakan studi literature review, dengan menelusuri produk hukum, jurnal, artikel, dan dokumen-dokumen. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan mencatat sumber literatur. Analisis penelitian dilakukan menggunakan pedekatan kualitatif dengan menggunakan model analisis isi. Hasil Penelitian, Dinasti politik di Indonesia dilakukan dengan dua cara: by design dan by accident. Dinasti politik by design telah terbentuk sejak lama. Secara relasi, jejaring familisme dalam pemerintahan sudah kuat, sehingga kerabat yang masuk dalam pemerintahan atau terjun dalam kontestasi politik sudah diatur sedemikian rupa untuk merekayasa keberhasilan tujuannya. Adapun dinasti politik by accident terjadi dalam situasi suksesi pemerintahan yang secara tiba-tiba mencalonkan kerabat untuk menggantikannya demi menjaga kekuasaan informal erhadap penggantinya jika menang dalam kontestasi politik Kesimpulan. Politik dinasti sejatinya bisa diterima dan tidak dipersoalkan selama dalam pelaksanaan sistem perekrutan dan pemilihan calon dalam kontestasi politik di Indonesia berjalan secara adil dan profesional. Oleh karenanya, penentuan calon atau kandidat dalam kontestasi politik di Indonesia harus didasarkan pada sistem meritokrasi, yakni memberikan hak lebih kepada siapapun yang memiliki prestasi dan track record yang baik untuk menduduki kursi-kursi strategis dalam pemerintahan. Kata Kunci: Partai, Politik, Dinasti, Kandidat, Pilkada


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