scholarly journals Republika Turska u svjetlu rezultata referenduma od 16. 04. 2017. – Povratak u prošlost stopama “izabranog sultana’’

2017 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 947-979
Author(s):  
Vedran Zlatić

The Constitutional referendum held 16.04. 2017. has brought many changes in the constitutional regulation of the Republic of Turkey. Elected constitutional changes have brought the danger that this country moves from the path of constitutional democracy to the autocratic rule of one person. However, to better understand this kind of change on the Turkish political scene, it will be necessary to take into consideration of the historical inheritance which to a large extent provides the decisive impulse to the current political regulation of the country. It is precisely because of this that this paper also focusses on the historical development of the constitutionality of this country together with emphasising all the factors which have played and are still playing a large role. Only with such consideration of the whole picture can an assessment of the situation today and certain assumptions about the future political development of relations in this country be made. Therefore, in the first part of this paper the development of the constitutionality of the Republic of Turkey is shown and after that there follows an assessment of the current situation, in particular, possible future developments according to the recently adopted constitutional changes. Above all, both the role of the most significant politicians is taken into account as well as the role of the extra political factors which have shaped and directed constitutional development of this country.

2020 ◽  
Vol 62 ◽  
pp. 75-99
Author(s):  
Pınar Aykaç

AbstractThis paper argues that the early Republican attempts to reintegrate the Ottoman past into nationalist narratives later found their reflections in discussions regarding the preservation of İstanbul’s diverse heritage, coinciding with the redefinition of Turkish nationalism in the 1940s, incorporating Islam and marking a departure from the foundation ideology of the Republic of Turkey. In 1939, the Republican authorities decided to celebrate the 500th anniversary of the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in 1953. The Commission for the Preservation of Antiquities (Muhafaza-ı Asar-ı Atika Encümeni)—the body responsible for the preservation of historic monuments in İstanbul—was tasked with conducting restoration and repair works for the celebrations. Although the celebrations did not receive much attention in the following years, the annual celebrations in the city have now become a significant aspect of present-day İstanbul, which glorify its Ottoman-Islamic past. By presenting its negotiations and contestations with other state actors in the context of these preparations, this paper explores the role of the Preservation Commission in appropriating the inherited remnants of İstanbul’s multifaceted past as “national monuments.”


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shelley Rigger

Throughout its long democratic transition and two decades of democratic functioning, Taiwan’s political development has attracted attention from many political scientists. This review of recent scholarship finds that while some works suffer from political bias, there is no shortage of high-quality academic work on this topic. Well-crafted assessments of Taiwan’s democratic performance vary in their conclusions, but critical assessments outnumber laudatory ones. Topics that have attracted especially strong attention from scholars include Taiwan’s constitutional development (with the verdict that the island is ill-served by a pattern of politically motivated constitutional changes) and electoral reform (which is judged to have strengthened the two-party system). Finally, the paper identifies and categorises works that compare Taiwan to other new democracies and summarises work on how Taiwan’s democracy is perceived by the island’s public.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 113-129
Author(s):  
V. A. Avatkov

The article considers the role of ideology and values in the formation and implementation of the current foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. Taking into account the increasing role of regional actors such as Turkey in international politics, studying their tactics and mechanisms of influence on the global political environment is necessary to explain the further transformation of the international system.The study reveals the strengthening role of the ideology and values in world politics in general and in individual states, such as Turkey, in particular. Under the rule of the Justice and Development Party headed by the current President R.T. Erdogan the country began a gradual transition from «Kemalism», which includes the preservation of secularism, ProWestern democratic values and a gradual departure from the Ottoman heritage, to a more conservative domestic and foreign policy, characterized by the strengthening of Islamist and nationalist sentiments, as well as the transition to the policy of «neo-Ottomanism», «neo-pan-Turkism». The return of the idea of «aggrandizement» of the country to the official political discourse has affected the conduct of Turkey's foreign policy towards both the regional states and the world arena as a whole.The Republic not only began self-restoration as an autonomous actor of international relations in the eyes of the key world powers, but also started to spread its own values and ideas among the population of both the Middle East and among the states which constitute a national interest for Turkey (Russia, the post-Soviet space, etc.), thus influencing them at various levels and involving them in its orbit of influence – both politically, economically and from a humanitarian point of view.Using «hard power» abroad no longer meets the current Turkey’s policy. Instead it relies on forging humanitarian ties, combining initiatives in the cultural, educational and scientific fields to achieve a long-term influence. The Republic of Turkey is trying to spread the following values among the world community:«Justice». International relations must be just and fair. For Turkey it means conformity with its national interests.«Religious fatalism». Government actions both at home and abroad are legitimized through references to religion and fate.«Democratic values». The Republic of Turkey considers itself the most democratic state in the world and contrasts itself with “Western democracies”, which, according to the Turkish leadership, are spreading hegemony rather than democracy.«State-centrism» and collectivism. The interests of the state, society, and especially the Muslim Ummah, are placed above the values of the individual.«Traditional values». Given the Islamization and conservatism of Turkish society as a whole, traditional values also begin to play a major role in the general political discourse of the state.«Culture». Turkey also makes adjustments to the concept of «culture» in very inclusive terms, presenting its culture as a «melting pot» that can turn anything into Turkish.«Respect». In the eastern tradition, it is customary to show respect to elders, as well as neighbors and guests. Turkey uses a demonstration of respect in foreign policy instrumentally and pragmatically. An example of this is the address of the President of Turkey in relation to the leaders of other states: Nursultan Nazarbayev – «aksakal» of the Turkic world, Vladimir Putin is a «dear friend».


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-69
Author(s):  
Nida Abdioğlu ◽  
Sinan Aytekin

This paper investigates the impact of monetary policy committee decisions of the Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey on the stock returns of the deposit banks listed in Borsa Istanbul Banks Index (XBANK). The cumulative abnormal returns of the banks are calculated for 2008 and 2012. We report that the monetary policy announcements affect cumulative abnormal returns of the deposits banks both in 2008 and 2012. Since the announcement of the monetary policy decisions created abnormal returns, we conclude that the market does not have semi-strong form efficiency.


Islamovedenie ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Imanutdin Khabibovich Sulaev ◽  

The article examines the revolutionary events of 1917 in Dagestan from the standpoint of legal awareness of Muslim public figures and clergy and their participation in the socio-political life of the region. The events had both common for the entire Russia and specific features due to the level of socio-economic and political development of the region and the role of Islam in its society. The article examines how the turbulent revolutionary time brought authoritative Muslim leaders to the political scene. Later, they aspired to develop their own tactics and strategy in order to influence the course of events in Dagestan after the February Revolution of 1917. Each representative of the secular and spiritual intelligentsia had their own attitude to the political forces that emerged during the struggle for the revolutionary democracy. The author notes such a characteristic feature of the revolutionary democracy of 1917 in Dagestan as the active involvement of the Muslim clergy in the new government institutions, their appeal to Islam and Sharia when clarifying and resolving various issues of socio-political importance. It is shown that the most important and discussed issue was the election of the head of the Caucasian Spiritual Board of Muslims from among muftis or imams by the Muslims of Dagestan and the North Caucasus. The healthy socio-political forces of the region aspired to preserve law and order in the region appealing to Sharia and Islam.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 127-149
Author(s):  
Paulina Szeląg

The Republic of Kosovo was created several years after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Its problems were visible during Josip Broz Tito’s presidency. Over the last ten years Kosovo has had two female presidents. The question is, what is the position of women on the Kosovan political scene? This phenomenon is particularly significant from the point of view of the post-conflict reconstruction of the state. The aim of this article is to analyse the evolution of the role of Kosovo Albanian women in the politics of Kosovo at the central level. For this reason, the article includes women involved in the armed conflict in Kosovo, especially in the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA, alb. Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës, UÇK). The author also presents the role of women in the Kosovan political arena since 1999, with particular emphasis on changes that took place after the declaration of independence of Kosovo. Furthermore, the author examines the profiles of selected female politicians. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, the comparative and historical method, and an analysis of statistical data.


2015 ◽  
Vol 40 (03) ◽  
pp. 811-832 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Novkov

This essay reviews Howard Gillman, Mark Graber, and Keith Whittington, American Constitutionalism: Volume I: Structures of Government (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), and Howard Gillman, Mark Graber, and Keith Whittington, American Constitutionalism: Volume II: Rights and Liberties (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012). It defends developmental approaches in the study of US constitutional law. It explains how law has been studied in political science, illustrating how political development became part of the story. It outlines how American political development approaches work when applied to law, noting how studying law transforms these approaches. It notes the insights produced through the blending of American political development and constitutional law, explaining how these insights provide more leverage for understanding the role of courts as democratic institutions. The essay closes by discussing the promising directions these approaches suggest, defending their value beyond political science.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-68
Author(s):  
Natalia Korchynska

Abstract The article examines the evolution of gender policies in the field of vocational education in Turkey since the beginning of the 20th century up to the present. Schools for girls started to emerge in Turkey at the beginning of the republican era. Their aim was to teach students about gender roles consistent with the trend of modernization and westernization of the new Turkish state. The ideology of a modern conservative party ruling in the Republic of Turkey is based on the traditional role of women as home keepers, while the country’s legislative system undergoes changes that provide women with independency. This policy is full of contradictions, namely, changes in legislation are aimed at improving education and employment of women, while women are encouraged to remain housewives. Despite the fact that women received equal rights to education after the Law on Unification of Education was adopted in 1924, gender inequality is still an issue in modern Turkish society. There is a strong legal framework at the state level and executive authorities that provide girls and women with free access to education and promote learning. Statistical data show that the education system still has many unresolved issues concerning the learning opportunities of girls and their employment. According to recent statistics, a very small group of girls goes on to secondary education in the Republic of Turkey. In 2011, only 24% of girls completed their secondary education that is the lowest level in the countries of OESD. Amazingly low percentage of girls involved in secondary education system can be explained by two objective factors: socioeconomic status of girls′ families and gender discrimination. Vocational schools for girls are designed to resolve this issue.


Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Savin

The article is dedicated to Halide Edip - outstanding novelist, scientist, public figure. The events of her personal life and political processes that took place in the last years of the Ottoman Empire and in the Republican period are reflected in her articles, memoirs, novels and scientific works. She raised topical issues such as the social status of Turkish women, their education and participation in political life, aspects of nationalist ideas, the correlation of tradi-tions and innovations in public life and the role of religion.


2021 ◽  
pp. 105-122
Author(s):  
DARKO GOLIĆ

The position and role of the head of state are crucial for determining whether a system of government can be determined as a parliamentary or semi-presidential one. In the five states of the former Yugoslavia, the established systems of government, although in principle parliamentary, contain a mixture of elements of these two systems. In addition to direct election, which is common to all these five states, proximity to one or the other system is determined by the scope and content of the powers of the head of state, and his position in relation to parliament and government. In that respect, analyzed systems postion themselfs in different places between those two systems. However, constitutional solutions in countries that go beyond the parliamentary system, yet do not reach the semi-presidential system, do not always correspond to the real role of the head of state, which is especially contributed by his (non) party character, numerous political factors, and areas of shared competencies and powers.


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