YOUNG KURDS AND YOUNG TURKS: FEATURES OF NATIONAL-POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE IN THE LATE XIX — EARLY XX CENTURIES

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (73) (1) ◽  
pp. 96-103
Author(s):  
V. V. Mikhailov
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Young Turks ◽  
The Government ◽  
Xix Century

The article examines the little-studied question of the relationship between the young Turk and young Kurd movements in the crucial years for the Ottoman Empire preceding the revolution of 1908. The formation of the Kurdish identity and the beginning of the cultural and political movement in the late XIX century. it was received ambiguously in the Ottoman Empire. Thus, unlike the Armenian political movement, the leaders of Turkey’s Kurds expressed the full commitment of the Central government and the Empire reforms, whose purpose in part was to involve the Kurdish population in a more active participation in economic life. It is significant that after the victory of the young Turk revolution of 1908, there was a split in Kurdish society and among its leaders in relation to the new government and its slogans. The Kurdish movement showed great conservatism and adherence to traditional Islamic values, while the pan-Turkist Pro-European ideology of the young Turk political elite was not accepted by the main Kurdish mass. Nevertheless, during the First world war, the Kurds of the Ottoman Empire remained loyal to the government, actively waging an armed struggle against the enemies of the Empire.

scholarly journals TRANSACTIONAL POLITICAL PRACTICES IN THE ASYMMETRIC DECENTRALIZATION SYSTEM IN ACEH (10-YEAR ANALYSIS OF SPECIAL AUTONOMY FUND MANAGEMENT PERIOD 2008-2018)

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 1443-1453
Author(s):  
Cut Maya Aprita Sari ◽  
Muhammad Suhail Ghifari ◽  
Kartini Aboo Talib @ Khalid
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Human Development ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Analysis Data ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Planning System ◽  
Regional Economic Growth ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
Regional Economic ◽  
The Government

Purpose of the study: Within 10 years, the central government of Indonesia has granted the special autonomy fund to Aceh as a strategy to improve the welfare of Acehnese. Contrary, the special autonomy funds that cannot be implemented properly-affected to the poverty in Aceh-is not significantly decreased. This study aims to determine the failure of special autonomy funds to decrease poverty in Aceh. Methodology: This research used descriptive qualitative methods by conducting the primary data through interviews, also secondary data through books, journals, newspapers, and other related sources. The analysis data is doing by using Transactional Political Theory. Main Findings: The results of this study indicate that asymmetric decentralization can be seen from the weak Regional Economic Growth Rate and the slow improvement of the Quality of Human Development Index (HDI). Thus the failure was caused by two things, namely: the thick Political Content of The Local Political Elite and the Domination of Local Political Elite in the Management of Aceh's Special Autonomy Fund in the Compilation of Planning and Work Programs. The absence of control in the management of special autonomy funds is based on project performance without good planning, and the existence of interest-based planning in the management of special autonomy funds that based on populist activity programs following the wishes of politicians which have an impact on weak regional economic growth, slow index improvement of human development quality, high poverty rates, and high unemployment in Aceh. Applications of this study: The finding of this study offered the evaluation systems for the government of Aceh to strengthen better local government governance, especially in increasing budget planning and implementation efficiency and strengthening regulations, and implementing an e-planning system to select program activities from the Aceh special autonomy fund. Novelty/Originality of this study: Based on the literature review conducted, there were limited publications which are focusing on the failure of autonomy funds in Aceh. Therefore this research will enrich the publication that concerns the failure of managing special autonomy funds in Aceh.

scholarly journals Reflections on Movement Patriotic in Elbasan in the Years 1909-1910

2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 117
Author(s):  
Majlinda Peza
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Rapid Evolution ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Long Period ◽  
Expected Result ◽  
National Movement ◽  
Young Turks ◽  
Movement Difficulties ◽  
Turkish Constitution ◽  
New Phase

The development of education in the Albanian territories under Ottoman Empire witnessed a rapid evolution after the announcement of Hyrjetit (the Turkish Constitution of 1908). Thus, in the years 1909-1910 patriotic movement in the Albanian territories will mark a new phase of her, revealed at the opening of schools and courses in Albanian language in the new conditions of constitutional freedoms. In this period, through the organization of the Congress of Monastir displayed in 1908, was unveiled final resolution of the case and the use of a common alphabet writing Albanian language. But despite such a situation, Albanians will not enjoyed for a long period of so-called constitutional freedom. The Young Turks (Young Turks) newly consolidated their political positions in the Ottoman Empire, tried with any form to prevent the spread of great little bit he received learning Albanian. In the years 1909 - 1910, the Albanian National Movement difficulties faced even greater. Through this work we aim to highlight not only the achievements of the patriotic movement in the region of Elbasan Albanian education center, but most are focused on coverage of issues; obstacles and difficulties faced by the patriotic movement in this region in the years 1909-1910. The Young Turks use of all forms and, using all opportunities to curb educational movement in the region of Elbasan, using new tactics more sophisticated you put sticks under the Elbasan Patriots wheels. But it must be said that at the same time, taking advantage of the weaknesses of the Albanian patriotic movement, contradictions and differences that existed between the Albanian political elite of the time. Meanwhile, in moments when new tactics did not give the expected result, they turned to old methods of violence and terror.

scholarly journals Religious Harmony, An Important Factor in the Political Unity of Albanians in Years 1912-1924

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 26
Author(s):  
Rudina Mita
Keyword(s):  
High Risk ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Declaration Of Independence ◽  
Political Unity ◽  
Supreme Council ◽  
Political Act ◽  
The Government ◽  
Xix Century

In the years 1912-1924, Albania was the place in which were four religions: Islam, Orthodox, Catholic and Bectashi. The ideological, political, cultural, educational movement known as the Albanian National Renaissance, (`30 years of the XIX century until 1912 with the declaration of independence of Albania), it devoted an important attention of the political unity of Albanians face as chauvinistic platforms like Megaliideja and Narcetania. present at the time and at high risk for Albanians. The objective of these platforms was as much territorial and assimilationist. The equality of nationality and religion was an idea which was becoming bigger; who was turk was a Muslim, who was catholic was Latino, who was greek was Orthodox. Endangered the existence of a nation. Albanian Renaissance before 1912 aimed to find ways and approsiate means that political unity of Albanians does not sullied in front of assimilating platforms. An important political act for albanians was the Declaration of Independence from the Ottoman Empire on 28 XI.1912. In such a decisive moment religious unity should be an important part for the benefit of political unity. The motto of the Renaissance was "The religion of Albanians is Albanianism", which resulted successfully. During these years albanians demonstrate unity and religious tolerance for political unification. Among the facts that demonstrated this thing mentioned: The government proposed by Ismail Qemal (primeminister) in the moments of the declaration of independence was not approved by the Albanian personalities in the assembly of Vlora. As part of its dominant elements of the Muslim faith, being rewritten after the elements of the four religions in Albania. Proof of this religious unity was the Regency, (Supreme Council), in 1920 the functions of Monarch with four personalities of four religious which functioned until 1924. This clearly demonstrates that the Albanians of all religious in front of national interests were unique. Respecting religious affiliations between them.

scholarly journals The Politics of the COVID-19 Pandemic in India

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (10) ◽  
pp. 381
Author(s):  
Uma Purushothaman ◽  
John S. Moolakkattu
Keyword(s):  
Migrant Workers ◽  
Central Government ◽  
State Level ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Medical Supplies ◽  
The Social ◽  
Containment Measures ◽  
The Government ◽  
Union Government

India responded to the COVID-19 measures abruptly and in a tough manner during the early stages of the pandemic. Its response did not take into consideration the socio-economic life of the majority of people in India who work in the informal sector and the sheer diversity of the country. The imposition of a nationwide lockdown using the Disaster Management Act 2005 enabled the Union Government to impose its will on the whole country. India has a federal system, and health is a state subject. Such an overbearing role on the part of the Central Government did not, however, lead to coordinated action. Some states expressed their differences, but eventually all complied with the central guidelines. The COVID-19 pandemic struck at a time when an agitation was going on in the country, especially in New Delhi, against the Citizen Amendment Act. The lockdown was imposed all of a sudden and was extended until May 31. This led to a humanitarian crisis involving a large number of domestic migrant workers, who were left stranded with no income for survival and no means of transport to go home. Indians abroad who were intending to return also found themselves trapped. Dissenting voices were silenced through arrests and detentions during this period, and the victims included rights activists, students, lawyers, and even some academics. Power tussles and elections continued as usual and the social distancing norms were often compromised. Since COVID-19 containment measures were carried out primarily at the state level, this paper will also selectively draw on their experiences. India also used the opportunity to burnish its credentials as the ‘pharmacy of the world’ by sending medical supplies to over a hundred countries. In the second wave, there were many deaths, but the government was accused of undercounting them and of not doing enough to deliver vaccines to Indians. This paper will deal with the conflicts, contestations and the foreign policy fallout following the onset of the pandemic and the measures adopted by the union government to cope with them, with less focus on the economic and epidemiological aspects of pandemic management. This paper looks at previous studies, press reports, and press releases by government agencies to collect the needed data. A descriptive and analytical approach is followed in the paper.

A New National Spirit

Eternal Dawn ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 133-210
Author(s):  
Ryan Gingeras
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
National Spirit ◽  
Young Turks ◽  
Role Of Religion ◽  
Late Ottoman

This chapter surveys the ideological underpinnings and aspirations of the key reforms of Mustafa Kemal’s reign. The philosophical tenets associated with Kemalism had long incubated within the folds of the late Ottoman political elite. Like other Young Turks who reinvented themselves as partisans of the young republic, Atatürk and his supporters viewed the postwar era as an unequaled opportunity to carry out and refine policies originally devised to save the Ottoman Empire. Declaring a republic, revising the constitution, adopting European systems of law, and redefining the role of religion were the first steps of a broader campaign aimed at refashioning society along unitary lines. Once engendered, Mustafa Kemal’s revolution was aimed at producing a Turkey where each citizen spoke Turkish, worked productively, and behaved in ways that warranted the republic’s ascendency as a “civilized state.”

scholarly journals The Problem of the Deep South of Thailand – Separatism of the Malay Muslims

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 176-193
Author(s):  
N. G. Rogozhina
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Hard Core ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Deep South ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Local Society ◽  
History Of ◽  
Thai Government ◽  
The Government

The article examines the history of the development of the nationalist movement of Malay Muslims living in the south of Thailand, which is more than half a century old and is a demonstration of their identify in conditions of being in an alien and even hostile religious, cultural and ethnic environment and a form of protest against the government policy of forced assimilation. The desire of Malay Muslims for independence, which has taken the form of armed resistance to the central government, is a response to the marginalization of their economic and political position and to the discriminatory policy of the government. Separatism as an ideology of ethno-nationalism and as a political movement of Malay Muslims, which originated in the 1940s of the last century, has transformed in the last fifteen years into a religious jihad with an accompanying increase in violence. It is based on small groups of militant separatists recruiting their supporters from students of traditional Muslim schools. Having almost completely abandoned political activity, the separatists concentrated on carrying out acts of terror. With the emergence of ISIS and its attempts to create its base in the Muslim countries of Southeast Asia, a threat arose that a local conflict would develop into a transnational one. However, local jihadists, following the interests of self-survival and adhering to a nationalist ideology, show their distance from ISIS, avoiding involvement in the international terrorist movement. The author notes that despite the limited social base of terrorist separatist groups, the idea of independence remains widely demanded in local society. The prolonged nature of the ethno-religious conflict poses the task to resolve it by Thai government. Attempts to suppress the separatism of Malay Muslims by force have been unsuccessful, which prompts the Thai government to look for political ways to resolve the conflict in the framework of the negotiation process with insurgent groups. However, differences in the positions of the parties on the hard core of the problem complicate reaching consensus. The author concludes that as long as Thai society is divided into “we” and “they”, the basis for the growth of Malay nationalism remains.

scholarly journals POLITICAL and LEGAL ACTIVITY of DEPUTIES of the NORTH CAUCASUS IN the STATE DUMA of the RUSSIAN EMPIRE in the EARLY twentieth Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 14-18
Author(s):  
M.M. Aybatov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
Caucasus Region ◽  
The North ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Government

The article analyzes the political and legal activity of the deputies of the North Caucasus in the early XX century, during the formation and activity of the State Duma. It is noted that the tsarist administration, modernizing the state-political system of the country, could not ignore the multinational and multi-confessional nature of the Russian state and therefore tried to take into account these features of the Russian state-political system. The article concludes that the involvement of regional MPs in political and legal activities of the first legislature (State Duma) at the beginning of the XX century has allowed to bring to the attention of Central government authorities, the main problems of the North Caucasus region and provides a process for the integration of national and regional elites in the Russian political elite to pinpoint the positions of North Caucasian elites in the political space of the Russian state. But many legislative initiatives put forward by the deputies of the North Caucasus did not find support from the government authorities and their decisions were ostponed indefinitely

II. Informing for Profit: A Sidelight on Tudor Methods of Law-enforcement

1954 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. R. Elton
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Effective Control ◽  
Usual Practice ◽  
For Profit ◽  
Land Rents ◽  
The Government ◽  
Charles Ii ◽  
Special Force ◽  
Financial Administration

That the making of a law and the enforcement of it are two different things is a commonplace which is nowhere more clearly exemplified than in the history of economic legislation. As a recent essay on ‘The Smugglers' Trade’ has shown, the point applied with special force to the sixteenth century when the government attempted on an unprecedented scale to control the economic life of the country, and especially the export and import of goods. The problem was twofold. In the first place the administration of the customs limped badly behind the rest of the financial administration. It was not until 1536 that nationally uniform rates were imposed, and at no time could the central government be sure of exercising effective control over the local customers and searchers and their deputies. While the royal lands were put under a modernized administration in the hands of such courts as those of General Surveyors and Augmentations, nothing was done either by Henry VII or by Thomas Cromwell to go to the root of the customs question. Cromwell, indeed, produced a comprehensive code with a preamble which showed that at least he knew what the trouble was; but somewhat in contrast to his usual practice, he did not approach the administrative problem at all. The customs were left in the exchequer from whose palsied hands the royal lands had been removed; consequently, when in an age of rising prices the value of the customs revenue began to outpace that of fixed land rents, the government of Elizabeth could do no better than farm a revenue which their own machinery was incapable of handling efficiently. Until the reign of Charles II, the English customs administration was never thoroughly reformed, and governments fell back either on the inefficient exchequer or on the dubious expedient of farming.

scholarly journals The Geopolitical Trap: the Hetmanate and the Entente (1918)

2019 ◽  
pp. 25-52
Author(s):  
Pavlo Hai-Nyzhnyk
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
World War ◽  
External Relations ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Government ◽  
First World ◽  
Insight Into

The article describes the geopolitical position of the Ukrainian State since the proclamation of P. Skoropadsky as Hetman of all Ukraine until the ousting of the Hetmanate in 1918. It is noted that the beginning of this period is the end of the First World War. Germany, which was an ally of the Ukrainian State, provided its troops to protect it from the Bolsheviks, is defeated. In this regard, there were a number of challenges in the foreign policy of the Hetmanate. The Ukrainian State is forced to look for ways to establish ties with the Entente countries. The author states that first agreements were concluded with neutral states, though it was planned to establish diplomatic relations with the Entente countries. To implement this, reliance was placed on the Ukrainian Embassy in Berlin. However, later this process took place through the mediation of the French Consul E. Enno in the Romanian city of Iași. The author examines the role of I. Korostovets in the implementation of Ukrainian diplomacy. The article provides an insight into the events that took place within the country. There was a confrontation between representatives of different parties and members of the government. The question of the need to change the legal and state status of the country and its foreign policy orientation put the country and its political elite on the brink of a split. It is analyzed the real reasons for the publication of the letters of the Hetman and their impact on internal and external challenges. The author highlights the influence of the Directorate on the external relations of the country. Following its arrival in power, it became known that one of the main goals of the Directorate was to capture Kyiv as soon as possible for the final overthrow of the hetman’s power and proclamation of the UPR with the Directorate at its head before the entire world. Keywords: Hetmanate, Entente, Directorate, Ukrainian diplomacy, Ukrainian statehood, confrontation.

The Redistributive Role of Government: Economic Regulation in Old Régime France and England

1991 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 338-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilton L. Root
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Economic Regulation ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Role Of Government ◽  
The Government

The lobbying activities of private groups had an important redistributive influence on national economic policies in both England and France; however, the different organization of government in the two nations gave a particular shape and structure to the redistributive character of national politics. In England, Parliament's role in the legislative process made gaining economic concessions from the government long and difficult. During the eighteenth century, the English government's role was increasingly limited to adjudicating the claims of influential but conflicting groups. In France, by contrast, the government's economic decisions were neither subject to parliamentary scrutiny nor to open public discussion. Whereas the rules of the redistributional game in eighteenth-century England were increasingly public knowledge, the administrative and political process that allowed the French government to pursue its mercantilist programs was private. Furthermore, the rules changed according to ministerial whim. As one historian put it, public law was a forbidden domain, “a mystery reserved to the king and his ministers,” permitting select members of privileged clans, rather than broadly defined interest groups, to enjoy the benefits of government patronage. Although the creation of sophisticated interests and competitive lobbies allowed the English Parliament to provide special favors to particular industries during the eighteenth century, unlike the French executive, neither Parliament nor the English executive had the discretionary authority to distribute monopoly rents to particular ministerial or royal favorites. In England the government's distribution of spoils followed procedures more open to the English political elite as a whole; still, corruption was more pervasive in English public administration than in France, where executive supervision of central government agents was more comprehensive.

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