scholarly journals Public Policy and Youth Employment: An Empirical Study of Cameroon's Experience

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (7) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Désiré AVOM ◽  
Bernard NGUEKENG ◽  
Iréné TIAKO

The aim purpose of this paper is to assess the contribution of public policies on youth employment in Cameroon. To do this, we used the multinomial Logit model that is being followed up for our employment equation. The maximum probability method is the estimation technique used and applied to data extracted from the EISS database (2011). Three main results emerge from this study: (1) young people who wish to self-employment do not have adequate training and the technical and financial support offered to them by the government is insufficient; (2) the incentives proposed by the State to private operator to encourage them to recruit young people do not always contribute to this objective and (3) the massive recruitments carried out by the State fail to pay off all unemployed young people. In this situation, the Cameroonian state should further strengthen the professionalization of training and, above all, guide training offers in the areas that present opportunities in our country. It also needs to strengthen the facilities afforded to private companies to encourage them to recruit more young people. We also suggest that the Cameroonian government provide more technical and material support to young people who are seeking it and, on the other hand, to raise more funds for the bankable projects presented by these Last.

2004 ◽  
pp. 42-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Radygin

The paper deals with one of the characteristic trends of the 2000s, that is, the government's property expansion. It is accompanied by attempts to consolidate economic structures controlled by the state and state-owned stock packages and unitary enterprises under the aegis of holdings. Besides the government practices selective severe enforcement actions against a number of the largest private companies, strengthens its control over companies with mixed capital and establishes certain informal procedures of relationships between private business and the state. The author examines the YUKOS case and the business community's actual capacity to protect its interests. One can argue that in all likelihood the trend to the 'state capitalism' in its specific Russian variant has become clearer over 2003-2004.


2018 ◽  
Vol 73 ◽  
pp. 11013
Author(s):  
Warsono Hardi ◽  
Nurcahyanto Herbasuki ◽  
Rifda Khaerani Thalita

The condition of the state border area between Indonesia and Malaysia is totally different. Children of Indonesian Workers (TKI) have no (limited) access to learn in formal schools since they do not have citizenship documents. This study aims to analyze the implementation of basic education mission in the border area, particularly in Sebatik island, Nunukan regency, North Kalimantan province. In addition, the research was conducted using qualitative explorative approach. Problems arising at the border area are very diverse and systemic. The Indonesian government conducts the education in border areas still very limitedly. The role of the public, corporate and private companies (Three Net Working) becomes very important in operating the schools in border area. The role of a former lecturer who is famously called Mrs. Midwife Suraidah is very dominant in helping TKI’s children to learn a variety of knowledge in Sekolah Tapal Batas (Tapal Batas School) in Sebatik island, Nunukan Regency, North Kalimantan province. Some help from companies such as Pertamina (national oil mining company), Dompet Dhuafa foundation and volunteers who are willing to be teachers strongly support the continuously of Tapal Batas School. The continuity of basic education in the state border becomes a challenge for the government since the purpose of the country written in the opening of Constitution 1945 is the intellectual life of the nation can be realized by implementing it in Nawacita program.


Author(s):  
Diya Uberoi

In an effort to protect citizens’ right-to-health, the Supreme Court of India on April 8th ordered the government to make COVID-19 testing free in all private hospitals and labs. The Court’s decision in Sudhi v. Union of India marked a significant step towards ensuring that all people, especially poor workers in the informal sector have access to necessary care. Five days later, however, after facing objections from private companies and the state, the Supreme Court reversed its previous order and made testing free for only those living below the poverty line, an obligation already mandated under the National Health Policy Scheme.This commentary suggests that judicial action should be strengthened, not hampered, in times of global health crisis. While no state has unlimited resources to ensure the protection of health, the judiciary should be emboldened to hold the state to account.   


2019 ◽  
pp. 97-128
Author(s):  
Yelena Biberman

This chapter presents two little-known but highly consequential rebellions in Pakistan and India, and the state-nonstate alliances forged to combat them. In Pakistan, what led to the alliance was the local tribes’ desire to take back their land from the Taliban, and the state’s willingness to collaborate with the tribes in order to prevent the further spread of the anti-Pakistan Taliban outside the tribal areas. Islamabad was not prepared to enforce full sovereignty over the region, and so its alliance with the tribes was weak. The Naxalite insurgency enjoyed free reign over a region that remained for many decades a backwater to the Indian government. But, when the insurgency gained serious steam and private companies developed plans to exploit the area’s mineral deposits, the government stepped in. After achieving a rough balance of local power, it allied with opportunists, who formed a civilian-manned counterinsurgency outfit known as the Salwa Judum.


2020 ◽  
pp. 0920203X2096301
Author(s):  
Lotus Ruan ◽  
Jeffrey Knockel ◽  
Masashi Crete-Nishihata

When does repression of online expression lead to public punishment of citizens in China? Chinese social media is heavily censored through a system of intermediary liability in which the government relies on private companies to implement content controls. Outside of this system the Chinese authorities at times utilize public punishment to repress social media users. Under China’s regulatory environment, individuals are subject to punishment such as fines and detention for their expressions online. While censorship has become more implicit, authorities have periodically announced cases of repression to the public. To understand when the state escalates from censoring online content to punishing social media users for their online expressions and publicizes the punishment, we collected 468 cases of state repression announced by the authorities between 1 January 2014 and 1 April 2019. We find that the Chinese authorities most frequently publicize persecutions of citizens who posted online expression deemed critical of the government or those that challenged government credibility. These cases show more evidence of the state pushing the responsibility of ‘self-regulation’ further to average citizens. By making an example of individuals who post prohibited content even in semi-public social media venues, the state signals strength and its determination to maintain authority.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 444-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiyeoun Song

AbstractJapan's labor market has been under severe strain over the past few decades, driven by its protracted economic recession, a series of labor market reforms, and changing labor management practices. Confronting these new challenges, an increasing number of young people have had extreme difficulties in searching for decent and stable jobs in the labor market, trapped in the vicious cycle of precarious employment. This paper examines the deterioration of employment and labor market conditions for Japan's youth after the collapse of the asset bubble in the early 1990s and the government's policy efforts to address these concerns, especially since the early 2000s, a period during which it has initiated a wide array of youth employment and labor market policies. In particular, it analyzes variations in policy target group and goal across different measures and evaluates the effectiveness and limitations of these programs in dealing with youth problems in the labor market. This paper argues that while the government has promoted various policy tools to help young people become economically and socially independent individuals, it has gradually shifted its policy focus toward human capital development for growth and industrial competitiveness as a way of revitalizing Japan's troubling economy.


2003 ◽  
Vol 186 ◽  
pp. 59-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nigel Meager ◽  
Peter Bates ◽  
Marc Cowling

The article describes some evaluation findings from a longitudinal study of young people receiving business start-up assistance, through the Prince's Trust (with financial support from the Government). Unusually for evaluations of self-employment schemes, it focuses not solely on issues of deadweight and business survival, but also looks at the impact of programme participation on the subsequent labour market outcomes of participants. It uses a matched comparison group methodology to model programme impact, and finds no statistical evidence that supported entry to self-employment has an impact on participants' subsequent ‘employability’. After controlling for other factors, those who leave the programme are no more likely than those in the comparison group to be in employment, and if in employment their earnings are no higher than those in the comparison group.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110186
Author(s):  
Servet Yanatma

This article examines the distribution of advertising in newspapers in Turkey and the impact of the government on the allocation, in particular, of official announcements and of advertising by partially state-owned enterprises and private companies loyal to the ruling party, as well as pressure on other commercial advertisers, during the rule of the Justice and Development Party between 2002 and 2020. It demonstrates that the government has, in the last decade, largely used the advertising sector as a “carrot and stick” tactic to control newspapers through the distribution of official announcements and advertising by state-owned enterprises. It further finds that the state has emerged in recent years as the largest advertiser financing the “captured media,” control of media ownership has proved to be not enough to ensure docile news media. Turkey has shifted to competitive authoritarianism in recent years, and this article demonstrates the selective allocation of advertising, which is a strong component of suppressing the independent media. The article uncovers the impact of government on advertising, using two data sets to show: (i) the total spend on official announcements received by each newspaper and (ii) how much advertising space in square centimeters state-owned enterprises have placed in each newspaper. Interviews with editors-in-chief of newspapers also expose the direct role of government in the distribution of advertising.


Author(s):  
Tetyana Zbrytska ◽  
Vladislav Minin

The article investigates a modern state of youth employment in the labor market. The purpose of the article is to consider of youth segment in the labor market, to study the dynamics of youth employment in recent years and to develop proposals for improving the state of youth employment in Ukraine. Current trends in youth employment and unemployment in the labor market are analyzed. In the process of analysis, such methods of scientific research as analysis and synthesis, comparison and generalization were used, which made it possible to ensure the validity of the study. Based on the results of youth employment issues analysis, the main problems faced by young people in finding a job (specific problems in the youth segment of the labor market) are determined, namely: imperfection of the legal framework that regulates labor relations; young people after graduation cannot put their skills and abilities into practice; imbalance in the professional and qualification structure of the labor supply, which does not correspond to the demand in the labor market; lack of professional experience among young people; gender inequality by sex and age; labor migration due to the non-competitiveness of wages in Ukraine compared to wages in Europe. For a systematic solution to the problems of youth labor market, it is necessary to improve the existing mechanism for increasing the level of youth employment, thereby a new impetus will appear for the development of the Ukrainian economy. The main directions of improving the state regulation of the youth segment of the labor market in Ukraine are proposed, namely: the creation of effective interaction between public employment agencies, business and education. An improvement and systemic implementation of the mechanism for increasing youth employment will reduce the outflow of labor force abroad and ensure the competitiveness of the national economy in the long term.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (16) ◽  
pp. 509-547
Author(s):  
Hassen Chaabani

Ten years after the launch of its 2011 revolution, Tunisia has reached a catastrophic socio-economic situation that confirms that none of major goals of this revolution have been achieved. Here, from an anthropological analysis of major events happened during this decade I reveal and discuss mysteries of this revolution, and I show how and why it got to her final stage. I qualified it as „poisoned‟ because of clandestine interventions from some foreign countries that were able to steer it on a corrupt and dangerous path from the very beginning. In fact, although it was started by young people who have no political and ideological affiliation, many opportunist politicians rode its wave and given a false revolutionary label to their parties. One of these parties, „Ennahdha‟, in a clear relationship with some countries, very likely got secretly considerable funds. The use of these moneys, coupled with dissemination of religious misinformation, during the pre-elections period permitted this party to be the first to come to power. Since then, it began (1) to support secretly those who perform the corrupt instrumentalization of Islam leading to terrorism and obscurantism, (2) not to apply laws that conflict with its interests, and (3) to develop corruption through wide networks spread in most of the national institutions particularly in judicial and security sectors. This has ensured it permanent influence over the major joints of the State even if it does not have the highest representation in the Government. At the end of this despaired decade, a glimmer of hope appeared with the emergence of the wonderful leader ‟Abir Moussi‟ who called for Enlightenment Revolution. Her heroic struggle is the basic element leading to the end of the poisoned revolution 2011 and the resulting corrupt regime, which was mainly fabricated and dominated by Ennahdha, the last dangerous stronghold of the World Brotherhood Sect. I end this study by presenting recommendations aimed at eliminating the corrupt instrumentalization of Islam and preventing its return.


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