Political Communication in a Regressed Democracy: An Analysis of Political Party Advertising Campaigns in Zimbabwe’s 2008 Harmonised Election

Author(s):  
Tendai Chari
2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 278-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith S. Trent ◽  
Cady Short-Thompson ◽  
Paul A. Mongeau ◽  
Maribeth S. Metzler

Political image is a transactional process between candidates’ actions and how voters assess them with their own individual ideas of the ideal presidential candidate. This 28-year longitudinal study of political communication serves to address the following four research questions. First, what attributes do voters find most important or desirable for a candidate to possess—in other words, what makes him or her an ideal presidential candidate? Second, how do these evaluations of ideal characteristics change across time and a different field of candidates? Third, how important are the candidates’ demographic variables? Fourth, how do the evaluations of ideal characteristics differ across the age, gender, and political party affiliation of the voters? These questions are posed and answered across 1988 to 2016 presidential campaign cycles in one of the longest research studies in the discipline of political communication.


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 401-413
Author(s):  
Theodore F. Sheckels

The concept of genre is an important one in rhetorical criticism. Important work has been done on presidential genres as well as more general ones such as the jeremiad and the apologia. In this vein is work on certain genres that recur at the many political party conventions. If one adopts an historical perspective, there are, from early-on, many genres—some explored by scholars, some not: the welcome address, the keynote address, the nominating and seconding speeches, and the vice presidential and presidential nomination acceptance speeches. There are also, more recently, addresses by former presidents, vanquished candidates, and—since the 1990s—prospective first spouses. This essay focuses on just one of these genres, the keynote. I argue that the genre is an important one, one that performs both important rhetorical and political work. Based on the 2016 party conventions, the genre is very much an endangered species of political communication, portending rhetorical problems for the nation’s two parties.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 205630512110629 ◽  
Author(s):  
María Antonia Paz ◽  
Ana Mayagoitia-Soria ◽  
Juan-Manuel González-Aguilar

Political polarization in Spain has been aggravated by a left-wing coalition government and the rise of the extreme right in the context of health and economic crisis created by COVID-19. This article delves into the collective story that memes offer of this context and aims to establish a categorization that can be used for comparison with other countries. We carried out a content analysis of 636 Spanish political memes published on Twitter throughout 2020. Current affairs were taken into account, as well as the frame, and rhetorical elements, references to popular culture, and symbols. We also took into consideration the objectives of the message and the presence of offensive content. We demonstrate that these memes do not play a subversive role, but rather contribute to the polarization and fragmentation of the digital public, echoing the existing ideological confrontation. They do not deliver new ideas, but only reproduce expressions and disqualifications already existing in the society, although the disinhibition of anonymity magnifies the intensity. Current affairs are an excuse to convey ideological position, and political communication becomes more emotional. There are no significant differences in terms of political polarization between left and right, and criticism toward politicians is mainly of personal and moral nature. Hate speech on other social media appears in these cultural creations, highlighting the misogyny toward women politicians regardless of their political party. The rhetorical and expressive resources are adapted to this confrontation, and there is little innovation because it is subject to the understanding of the message.


Author(s):  
Sergio Luque Ortiz ◽  
Mónica Cano Alarcón

Political communication has changed after the appearance of the Internet and social networks. In this sense, it is essential to understand that the communication landscape has been transformed. The main objective of the research is the use of Twitter as a tool for political communication, taking as a case study the far-right political party Vox regarding gender violence in the autonomous elections of Andalusia in 2018. The methodological design is qualitative and quantitative by analyzing the official Twitter accounts of Vox, Santiago Abascal (president of the party) and Francisco Serrano, candidate for the Andalusian regional elections of 2018. For this, the statistical program SPSS has been used in which they have been analyzed more than1000 tweets related to a topic of great relevance to theparty such as gender violence and the content analyses. The results obtained show that gender violence is a topic discussed on Twitter by the three profiles analyzed, although the dissemination and periodicity of updates on this topic are different from each other. As a main conclusion, it can be advanced that Vox has made an exceptional use of Twitter as a discursive narrative tool. Similarly, gender violence does not appear on social networks as often, although in the case of the Andalusian candidate it is a recurring theme in his interventions on Twitter


2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gwyneth Howell ◽  
Bruce Da Silva

Researchers suggest that the youth of today has disengaged from the political landscape in Australia. However, the online realm provides potential first time voters an avenue in which to engage in politics in an environment that is generally associated with a youthful demographic. New media tactics utilised during the 2007 Australian federal election aimed to not only attract youthful voters, but also to educate and deliver policy on a level generally associated with the 18-24 demographic. This study explored the effectiveness of new media in the political communication context, in particular with relation to first time voters. This research found that first time voters were not as engaged as predicted, and that the third party sites were more popular with undecided voters than the formal political party sites in voter influence.


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (9) ◽  
pp. 986-1001 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreu Casero-Ripollés ◽  
Marçal Sintes-Olivella ◽  
Pere Franch

Populism is a phenomenon that has been acquiring great relevance over recent years in the United States and Europe. Literature on the subject has identified the existence of a populist style that also affects political communication. The aim of this article is to analyze the structure of issues and the functions of messages circulated by a populist party in order to determine the presence and incidence of this style’s main components. The methodology is based on a quantitative analysis of the content of the Twitter profiles of the Spanish political party Podemos and its leader, Pablo Iglesias, during the 2016 Spanish elections. Totally, 2,612 tweets were analyzed. The results allow the identification of a strategy of complementarity, which appears as a new component in the communication style of populism in the digital environment. Podemos is also seen to lean toward antielitism and its leader toward the communicative construction of “the people.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Syamsuar Syamsuar ◽  
Mirna Ria Andini

The communication strategy (militancy) in politics is one of the keys to the success of a political party (Parpol) or Legislative Candidates (Caleg) in winning the Election. In the 2019 Election at the West Aceh DPRK level, there were many political figures from young people who ran to become members of the legislature at the district level. These political figures are referred to as Young Candidates who are between 21 and 30 years old. Several young candidates at the DPRK West Aceh level won the 2019 Election. This research is qualitative with a descriptive method. The purpose of this research is to find out how the strategies of young candidates at the West Aceh DPRK level in winning the 2019 election and the obstacles they face in building a political communication strategy. The results obtained are that young candidates at the DPRK West Aceh level use interpersonal communication strategies or direct communication that use family and acquaintances to get votes in the election. In addition, young candidates at the DPRK West Aceh DPRK level use mass media only a little, they only use social media which is not paid. Having no experience in politics is the biggest obstacle in the candidacy of young candidates at the West Aceh DPRK level.Keywords: Strategy; Communication; Political; Young Candidates.


UVserva ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Andrade-Del Cid

El objetivo de este análisis es abundar en el conocimiento de la comunicación política a través del comportamiento de los medios impresos en Veracruz, comparando sus contenidos durante la campaña electoral del 2010 y 2016, para verificar la hipótesis que sostiene que cuando la comunicación política se institucionaliza en escenarios autoritarios, produce efectos que están lejos de promover la deliberación ciudadana.El marco teórico discute la trayectoria del concepto de lo público y el papel de la información para la conformación de la opinión pública como expresión de los temas de la comunicación política, cuyas agendas informativas son representativas.Los resultados ofrecen el número de noticias publicadas por partido político, en seis periódicos impresos veracruzanos y los temas que trataron en ambas contiendas. Se comprueban ciertas características de la comunicación política veracruzana, cuyos contenidos son la expresión de la cultura política autoritaria que prevalece en el estado de Veracruz.Palabras clave: Comunicación política; elecciones 2010-2016; agenda informativa; Veracruz; prensa AbstractThe objective of this analysis is to abound in the knowledge of political commu­nication through the behavior of the printed media in Veracruz, comparing it’s contents for the electoral campaign of 2010 and 2016, to verify the hypothesis that maintains when political communication is institutionalized in authoritarian scenarios, produce effects that are far from promoting citizen deliberation. The theoretical framework describes the tra­jectory of the concept of the public and the role of information for the shaping of public opi­nion as an expression of the issues of political communication, and the information agendas are representative. The results offer the amount of publications published by each political party, in six prin­ted newspapers and in the topics that deal in both contests. Certain characteristics of the Veracruz political communication are verified, whose contents are an expression of the au­thoritarian political culture that prevails in the state of Veracruz.Keywords: Political communication, elections 2010-2016, agenda setting, Veracruz, press


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Bayu Priambodo

ABSTRACT                 This research seeks to see the kiai political communication in the nomination of Gus Ipul Puti in the East Java regional election in 2018. East Java Province is the basis of the Nahdlatul Ulama which is the largest religious organization in Indonesia. But in the 2018 elections the two best keders from the Nahdlatul Ulama organization fought in the elections to fight for the number one seat in East Java. The existence of this phenomenon resulted in segregation within the body of the Nahdlatul ulama organization so as to form two major shafts in East Java's political content. The Lirboyo axis is the axis that supports Gus Ipul and Puti while the Tebuireng axis is the axis that supports Khofifaf and Emil. The method in this study uses descriptive qualitative where data is obtained from interviews with several scholars who support the nomination of Gus Ipul and Puti. The results of this study indicate that the kiai political communication in nominating Gus Ipul as governor had occurred 10 years ago precisely in the East Java regional election in 2008 but because at that time Gus Ipul did not yet have a political party, he was paired with Soekarwo to become deputy governor. The political communication produced a document called the Lirboyo agreement which contained Gus Ipul who would accompany Seokarwo for two periods as deputy governor. The results of political communication were not violated for 10 years because at the time of the 2013 East Java regional election Gus Ipul was still accompanying Seokarwo as deputy governor..Keywords:  Political communication, kiai, nahdlatul ulama, local election. ABSTRAK Penelitian  ini berusaha untuk melihat komunikasi politik kiai dalam pencalonan Gus Ipul Puti pada pilkada Jawa Timur di tahun 2018. Provinsi Jawa Timur merupakan basis dari Nahdlatul Ulama yang merupakan organisasi keagamaan terbesar di Indonesia. Namun dalam pemilu tahun 2018 dua keder terbaik dari organisasi Nahdlatul Ulama bertarung dalam pilkada untuk memperebutkan kursi no satu yang ada di Jawa Timur. Dengan adanya fenomena tersebut mengakibatkan terjadinya segregasi di dalam tubuh organisasi Nahdlatul ulama sehingga membentuk dua poros besar dalam kontentasi politik Jawa Timur. Poros Lirboyo adalah poros yang mendukung Gus Ipul dan Puti sedangkan poros Tebuireng adalah poros yang mendukung Khififaf dan Emil. Metode dalam penelitian ini menggunakan kualitatif deskritif dimana data diperoleh dari wawancara dengan beberapa kiai yang mendukung pencalonan Gus Ipul dan puti. Hasil dari penelitian ini menujukkan bahwa komunikasi politik kiai dalam mencalonkan Gus Ipul sebagai gubernur sudah terjadi sejak 10 tahun lalu tepatnya pada pilkada Jawa Timur tahun 2008 namun karena saat itu Gus Ipul belum memiliki partai politik akhirnya dipasangkan dengan Soekarwo untuk menjadi wakil gubernur. Komunikasi politik tersebut menghasilkan dokumen yang dinamakan perjanjian Lirboyo yang isinya Gus Ipul akan mendampingi Seokarwo selama dua periode menjadi wakil gubernur. Hasil komunikasi politik tersebut tidak dilanggar selama 10 tahun karena pada waktu pilkada Jawa Timur tahun 2013 Gus Ipul masih mendampingi Seokarwo sebagai wakil gubernur.Kata Kunci: Komunikasi politik, kiai, nahdlatul ulama, pilkada


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 50-54
Author(s):  
Tanase Tasente

In its role as a tool that facilitates participation, Facebook acts as a channel of political communication with different mechanisms than traditional media. At the same time, Facebook offers new means of receiving the audience, characterized by a targeting of the very good target audience. The Facebook page of a political party facilitates interaction and political participation, making possible a two-way communication model and facilitating increased political participation of public opinion. The platform is not mediated and has no boundaries as traditional media has, which means that parties have direct access to more people than ever. Moreover, it is also noted that, on Facebook, the political message does not go through the editorial policy filters as it happens in traditional media and is used as a powerful interaction tool with the target audience or even with a public not ever considered by the political communication strategies.


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