scholarly journals Turkey’s changing security perceptions and expenditures in the 2000s: Substitutes or complements?

Author(s):  
Gulden Ayman ◽  
Gülay Günlük-Şenesen

This article explains changes in Turkey’s security perceptions after the current ruling party, the AKP, came to power. It focuses on how Turkey tried to change the structure of conflictual relations with countries it has long viewed as sources of threat. Focusing on Syria, especially, the article delineates economic tools for conflict reduction and regional integration employed by Turkey and analyzes the challenges and main obstacles that the Turkish government has faced, especially after the Arab spring upheavals. The article then devotes attention to Turkey’s military modernization efforts launched to cope with the new threat environment and from there moves on to elaborate on the effect of security policy preferences and design on Turkish security-related resource allocation since the early 2000s. The intermingled nature of internal and external security policies calls for broadening the context of the economic aspects of security to include police, gendarmerie, and coast guard services along with the military. Descriptive analysis of on-budget components and off-budget facilities shed light on Turkey’s recent position in the international arena as an important military spender and arms importer.

Author(s):  
Necati Polat

This book explores the transformation of Turkey’s political regime from 2002 under the AKP rule. Turkey has been through a series of major political shifts historically, roughly from the mid-19th century. The book details the most recent change, locating it in its broader historical setting. Beginning with the AKP rule from late 2002, supported by a wide informal coalition that included liberals, it describes how the ‘former’ Islamists gradually acquired full power between 2007 and 2011. It then chronicles the subsequent phase, looking at politics and rights under the amorphous new order. This highly accessible assessment of the change in question places it in the larger context of political modernisation in the country over the past 150 or so years, covering all of the main issues in contemporary Turkish politics: the religious and secular divide, the Kurds, the military, foreign policy orientation, the state of human rights, the effective concentration of powers in the government and a rule by policy, rather than law, initiated by Erdogan’s increasingly authoritarian populism. The discussion at once situates Turkey in the broader milieu of the Arab Spring, especially in terms of Islamist politics and Muslim piety in the public sphere, with some emphasis on ‘Islamo-nationalism’ (Millî Görüş) as a local Islamist variety. Effortlessly blending history, politics, law, social theory and philosophy in making sense of the change, the book uses the concept of mimesis to show that continuity is a key element in Turkish politics, despite the series of radical breaks that have occurred.


Author(s):  
Wahyu Khalik

Comfort and security are vital factors in tourism destination of Kuta Lombok with great tourism potential. However, this potential will not be desirable if the conditions are not created by comfort and security. This proves that there are factors that affect the comfort, community understanding of tourism awareness, and community participation in comfort and security of tourists. The study was conducted aimed to determine the factors that affect comfort and safety, the level of community understanding of tourism awareness, and community participation in the comfort and security of tourists in Kuta Lombok tourism.This study examines the comfort and safety of tourists in tourism of Kuta Lombok are included in the descriptive study. Therefore, the research conducted through a qualitative approach. Methods of data collection through observation, interview and documentation. Decision is determined by the method of purposive, with 15 informants. The theory applied is the theory of structural functionalism which analyzed the factors and community participation, and motivation theory is applied to analyze the level of community understanding about tourism awareness.The analysis results of research conducted by qualitative descriptive analysis presents the results of research through a narrative supported by photographs. The results of this study suggests that the comfort and safety factor is  influenced by the low level of community understanding in the elements of tourism awareness through Sapta Pesona. The low raises community understanding of factors that affect comfort and safety as a factor of environmental aspects of parking management and environmental hygiene, factors of economic activity and the hawkers aspects trasnportation service providers as well as factors in the aspect of tourism access roads were damaged. Community participation in the comfort and security of tourists is not functioning optimally. This is caused by unsynchronization between organizations. Forms of community participation in the form of the participation into the organization and the coast guard and empowerment of communities in the festival. Based on those results of the three studies, the government of Central Lombok is expected especially for Culture and Tourism Department particular attention to the factors that affect comfort and safety, and the formation of tourism awareness with benchmarks Sapta Pesona.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  

The research represents a real attempt to show the contemporary competition and conflict that erupted between countries to control the countries that affected by The Arab Spring. Especially the oil-rich, including Libya, which has a distinguished geographical location, so this is what made France and Turkey engage in a political adventure, an economic competition, and an attempt to establish influence in Libya. The State of Libya was completely destroyed in order to control its oil, which is targeted by Western countries and their oil companies. The Turkish government tried to exploit its Islamic identity to influence the emotions of the Libyan parties and provided support for them. Then, it made an agreement with the Libyan government headed by Fayez al-Sarraj to demarcate the maritime borders, which gave it space to pressure against its opponents in the Mediterranean, after its negotiations to join the European Union failed due to France's refusal to join. The research was divided into five parts, the first dealt with contemporary Turkish-French relations, while the second one dealt with Turkey's position on the French intervention in Libya in 2011. The third one showed France's position on Turkey's accession to the European Union. The fourth one clarified the Turkish-French relations after the 2011 Libyan crisis. The fifth one included the contemporary French strategy in Libya, and finally the sixth one revolved around the impact of the Turkish-French competition on Libya. Keywords: crisis, oil, Libya, Turkey, competition, France.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Hae Won Jeong

Summary What are the public diplomacy strategies for legitimising a pro-Islamist foreign policy? This research unveils how Turkey, which has been a vocal supporter of the Muslim Brotherhood and its affiliates across the Middle East since the Arab Spring, draws on pan-Islamic soft power, neo-Ottoman myth-making and public diplomacy strategies embedded in the precepts of the strategic depth doctrine to rationalise its pro-Hamas foreign policy position under the Justice and Development Party (AKP). By employing critical discourse analysis to the political speeches delivered by the Turkish government officials in domestic and international fora, this article suggests that Turkey has sought to legitimise its pro-Islamist foreign policy and subvert the terrorist designation of Hamas internationally through the humanitarian, Islamic and neo-Ottoman framings of the Palestinian issue. It is argued that Turkey’s public diplomacy of Hamas constitutes part and parcel of the AKP’s grand strategy to project Islamic soft power.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 507
Author(s):  
Asep Suherdin ◽  
Maryanto Maryanto

The problems of this study are: 1) How is enforcement against members of the military in drug abuse in the jurisdiction of the Military Court II/09 Bandung? 2) How constraints and efforts to overcome the constraints of law enforcement against members of the military in drug abuse in the jurisdiction of the Military Court II/09 Bandung?Method sociological approach juridical law and specification in this study were included descriptive analysis. Even the sources and types of data in this study are primary data obtained from interviews with field studies Military Court II/09 Bandung, and secondary data obtained from the study of literature. Data were analyzed qualitatively. The problems studied by the theory of law enforcement, criminal liability and progressive law.Results of the discussion concluded: Enforcement of the law against members of the military in drug abuse in the jurisdiction of the Military Court II/09 Bandung executed in accordance with the applicable regulations, because the urine test is done not in accordance with regulations and charges denied by the defendant who has the right of refusal. The obstacles are the lack military justice, the need for strengthening of the system of criminal law enforcement in the military justice ahead of independent both institutionally and functionally, free from interference by other institutions outside the judiciary as a logical consequence system of a democratic constitutional state, so it is necessary No reconstruction of the existing regulation of military justice. Next to the military justice system, particularly related to the investigation should be conducted by military police consisting of the Army, Navy and Air Force, independently.Keywords: Law Enforcement; Crime; Drugs; Military Environment.


2021 ◽  
pp. 120-126
Author(s):  
Mykhailo Tsiurupa

The time limits of the life of one generation are about 25-30 years, so lived in the struggle for building its own state and its armed defence, this time for Ukraine goes down in the history of the first generation of creation and attempts to comply with four military doctrines (1993-2004-2012-2015), in which our own defence course was proclaimed. The theoretical basis of these official documents of significance were certain paradigms of military-political thinking, according to which Ukraine did not consider it a continuation of politics. The direction and principles of military policy (defence or security policy in European terminology) for modern Ukraine from the mid-20s of the XIX century, as well as 100 years ago, again came to the fore in connection with the implementation of previously abstract concepts " annexation "," occupation "," war ", which allegedly did not exist for our country in recent history. But today they have been embodied or, in the image of Franz Kafka, "reincarnated" into threatening forms of Russia's military practice against our state, the end of which is not yet visible in the near future. The military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of militarypolitical thinking. The main thesis is the belief that the protection of sovereignty and strengthening of military security is the military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of military-political thinking. The main thesis is the belief that the protection of sovereignty and strengthening of military security is the creation of a "comprehensive defence system" with the integration of all forces of the state and civil society, law enforcement agencies and volunteers, administrative regions and territorial communities. The military-theoretical and political response was the "Military Strategy of Ukraine" in 2021, which "opened" a new generation of paradigms of military-political thinking. We will prove that this is a philosophy of military security instead of the previously expressed doctrinal military-political ideas of entrusting a matter of national importance to the forces of the defence sector. The new generation of public life Ukraine will begin with a new paradigm of militarypolitical thinking, the central idea of which is the transition from hopes for the political levers of defence for international cooperation to the creation of a system of comprehensive national security with the synergistic potential of Ukrainianity.


Author(s):  
Ekaterina Mitrofanova ◽  
Alyona Artamonova

Using two representative Russian surveys – “Person, Family, Society” (used for building research models) and “Russian monitoring of the economic condition and health of the population” (for auxiliary, descriptive analysis) – we analysed the differences in the life courses of Russian men who served and did not serve in the army. For these two groups of men, we compared the ages and sequences of the most important first events (separation from the parental home, first job, obtaining an education, first cohabitation, first marriage, and first child). We constructed socio-demographic “portraits” of these men at the age of 15 and at the moment of the survey (2013). Our results revealed that those men who served in the military have more socio-economic and demographic events than those who avoided military service: men with military experience start adult life earlier and more intensively. The mechanism of selecting men for military service has changed since the 1990s. Men who serve are mainly children of parents without higher education and not occupying senior positions in the period of their children’s socialisation. After completing] military service, men often work and live separately, while those who did not serve in the army study and live with their parents.


Author(s):  
Raid Khan ◽  
Amna Mahmood ◽  
Asif Salim

The Arab Spring was assumed to reform the prevailing regime pattern and to bring socio-economic reforms. However, it failed to get its intended outcomes at large. The objectives of the revolution that are to bring a positive transformation in the social, economic, and political domains were not attained effectively and was considered a failed revolution in the case of Egypt and Syria. The present paper focuses on exploring the reasons and factors behind its failure in the particular context of Egypt and Syria. Although Egypt observed regime transition from dictatorship to democracy, yet within one and a half year, a military coup overthrew the democratically elected government of Mohammad Morsi, and the military regime was reinstalled. In the case of Syria, since 2011, a civil war is going on where Bashar-ul-Asad still holds dictatorial powers. The study reveals that the lack of stable political institutions, weak democratic norms, and the absence of a vibrant civil society paved the way for state authorities to rule out the attempts of protestors. Excluding a few of the countries, the rest of the Middle Eastern countries are still ruled by the powerful elites. The successes of the Arab Spring are still to be awaited.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alina Chervinchuk

Research methodology. The following methods were used in this research: general scientific methods (descriptive, analysis, synthesis, comparison) and special (structural, hermeneutic, narrative, method of content analysis). We identified words related to the concept of the enemy and determined the context in which they are used by the authors of the collections Results. The formats of reflection of military reality in collections of military documentaries are investigated. It is emphasized that the authors-observers of events as professional communicators form a vision of events based on categories understandable to the audience – «own» and «others». Instead, the authors-participants go events have more creative space and pay more attention to their own emotional state and reflections. It is defined how the enemy is depicted and what place he occupies in the military reality represented by the authors. It is emphasized that the authors reflect the enemy in different ways. In particular, the authors-observers of the events tried to form a comprehensive vision of the events, and therefore paid much attention to the opposite side of the military conflict. Authors-participants of the events tend to show the enemy as a mass to be opposed. In such collections, the enemy is specified only in the presence of evidence confirming the presence of Russians or militants. Novelty. The research for the first time investigates the methods of representation of mi­litary activity in the collections of Ukrainian military documentaries. The article is devoted to the analysis of how the authors represent the enemy. Practical importance. The analysis of collections of military documentaries will allow to study the phenomenon of war and to trace the peculiarities of the authors’ representation of military reality.


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