Hercules, Putin, and the Heroic Body on Screen in 2014

2018 ◽  
pp. 43-59
Author(s):  
Emma Stafford
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Visual Presentation ◽  
Central Figure ◽  
Classical Mythology ◽  
Russian President ◽  
Heroic Action ◽  
Vladimir Putin

This chapter places the two recent 2014 Hercules films, The Legend of Hercules and Hercules, including the lesser known “mockbuster” Hercules Reborn (2014), in dialogue with the Hercules display of Russian president Vladimir Putin. It focuses particularly on aesthetic elements: the visual presentation of their central figure – his costume, his accoutrements, and the type of action shots that showcase the heroic body – and the settings against which the heroic action occurs. The chapter shows more broadly the importance of examining the place of Hercules and classical mythology in modern political discourse.

scholarly journals NATIONAL PRECEDENTIAL PHENOMENA OF RUSSIAN CULTURE AND WAYS OF THEIR TRANSLATION ON THE MATERIAL OF PUBLIC SPEECHES OF THE RUSSIAN PRESIDENT VLADIMIR PUTIN

2021 ◽  
pp. 110-118
Author(s):  
Анастасия Александровна Лукиных ◽  
Ирина Вячеславовна Баранова
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Cognitive Linguistics ◽  
English Language ◽  
Translation Process ◽  
Russian Culture ◽  
Short Life Span ◽  
Russian President ◽  
Vladimir Putin ◽  
Lost In Translation ◽  
Selection Of

Введение. Прецедентность представляет собой весьма значимое явление для современной лингвистической науки. Прецедентность и прецедентные феномены изучаются лингвистами в различных аспектах и сферах. Исследуется прецедентность в политическом дискурсе. Целью является сопоставительное исследование национально-прецедентных феноменов, функционирующих в русскоязычном политическом дискурсе, а также в переводе на английский язык. Задачи исследования состоят в определении методологии, осуществлении отбора материала и определении наиболее адекватных способов перевода прецедентных феноменов русскоязычной культуры на английский язык. Материал и методы. Методология исследования основывается на теории когнитивной лингвистики с применением методов когнитивного моделирования, дискурсивного анализа, сопоставительного анализа. Для отбора материала исследования использовался метод сплошной выборки. При обобщении, систематизации и анализе материала применялся также описательный метод. Материалом исследования послужили тексты выступлений В. В. Путина, опубликованные на официальном сетевом ресурсе Президента РФ. Результаты и обсуждение. В результате проведенного исследования было обнаружено, что политический дискурс является весьма продуктивным для создания национально-прецедентных феноменов в силу своей специфики. Прецедентные феномены в политическом дискурсе обладают своей спецификой, как правило, источником прецедентности служит сфера политики либо исторические события конкретной национально-культурной общности. Прецедентные феномены в политической лингвистике сравнительно недолговечны. Наиболее часто они представлены прецедентными текстами, именами и высказываниями. При переводе национально-прецедентных феноменов для создания эквивалентного перевода применяются конкретизация, поиск фразеологических эквивалентов и аналогов. В некоторых случаях прецедентность при переводе полностью утрачивается, но в любом случае для интерпретации национально-прецедентных феноменов необходимы знания о национально-специфичных культурных источниках прецедентности. Заключение. Таким образом, национально-прецедентные феномены представляют собой значимую характеристику политического дискурса, служат связующим звеном между адресатом и адресантом, придают живость и образность речи в политическом дискурсе. С другой стороны, их национальная специфика служит дополнительной сложностью при переводе и часто требует наличия некоторых экстралингвистических знаний для их дешифровки и адекватного восприятия. Introduction. The study of precedential phenomena is extremely important for modern linguistics. They can be explored in different spheres and aspects, which depends on the aims of research. This article deals with precedential phenomena in political discourse. Aim and objectives. The aim is a comparative research of national precedential phenomena which function in Russian political discourse and of their translation into the English language. The objectives of this paper are to define methodology of the research, to select the necessary language material and to find the ways of translation of precedential phenomena taken from Russian culture into English. Material and methods. The methodology of the research is based on the cognitive linguistics theory. The methods are cognitive modelling, discourse analysis, comparative analysis. The selection of the material was carried out with the solid sampling method. To analyze and systematize the material a method of description was used. The material for the study were sampled out from the official website of the Russian president Vladimir Putin. Results and discussion. The results of the research showed that political discourse is a very productive sphere for the creation of national precedential phenomena. As a rule, precedential phenomena in political discourse are very specific. Their source can be found either in the sphere of politics or historic events of the nation. Precedential phenomena in political discourse usually have a short life span. There types are precedential texts, names and expressions. While translating national precedential phenomena, interpreters prefer to use concrete definition, equivalents or analogues of phraseological units. Sometimes precedential phenomena are lost in translation. Conclusion. So national precedential phenomena represent an important characteristic of political discourse. They serve as a link between the author and the recipient, make the speech more vivid and emotional and influence the audience in a specific way. But their national peculiarities often impede the translation process. Anyway some knowledge of cultural sources is necessary for correct interpretation and understanding of precedential phenomena.

Fixing meaning

2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johannes Angermuller
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Terrorist Attack ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Russian President ◽  
French Tradition ◽  
The Many ◽  
Vladimir Putin

This contribution looks into a speech by Russian President Vladimir Putin after the terrorist attack against a high school in the Northern Caucasian town Beslan in September 2004, widely seen as marking the end of the liberal hegemony in the Russia of the post-soviet period. However, a closer look reveals the many possible readings that are made of the speech. According to the reactions found in a corpus of press articles, the speech activates both “internationalist” and “sovereignist” readings in media discourse. By pointing out the polyphonic organization of discourse, I make the case for a productive exchange between the French tradition of discourse analysis, interactionism and critical discourse analysis. In this view, the readers have to deal with the many different voices crisscrossing political discourse. In the light of its polyphonic organization, the meaning of discourse needs to be “fixed” by the participants of political discourse.

Issues of co-financing of drug provision for the population: international and Russian practice

2020 ◽  
pp. 49-56
Author(s):  
Vasiliy Ryazhenov ◽  
Victoriya Andreyeva ◽  
Elena Zakharochkina
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Life Expectancy ◽  
Health System ◽  
Health Care System ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
High Quality ◽  
Russian President ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Vladimir Putin ◽  
Drug Provision

Russian President Vladimir Putin defined increase in life expectancy from 72.7 to 78 years by 2024 as a national aim in the Decree № 204 of May 7, 2018. Achievement of this aim depends on drug provision system among other factors. Strategy of drug provision for the population of the Russian Federation for the period until 2025 sets the goal of increasing availability of high quality, effective and safe medicines to meet needs of the population and the health system based on the formation of a rational and balanced system of drug provision for the population of the country with available resources. The health care system should expand the possibilities of using modern and effective mechanisms to ensure the financing of drug provision for the population.

THE FAILURE TO SIGN THE UKRAINE-EU ASSOCIATION AGREEMENT (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER 2013)

2019 ◽  
pp. 30-45
Author(s):  
V. I. Denysenko
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Main Role ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Russian President ◽  
The Government ◽  
Vladimir Putin ◽  
The Eu

The failure to sign the Association Agreement with the EU in autumn 2013 has been investigated. The role of the Russian factor, which became decisive in the foreign policy reversal of the Yanukovych regime, has been revealed. The importance of Viktor Yanukovych’s meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin on October 27, 2013, in the dramatic change of Ukraine’s international vector has been emphasized. On the basis of diplomats’ memoirs, the assumption about intimidation of the Ukrainian President by the Russian side has been substantiated. The timeline of the preparation of the 2013 Vilnius Summit, the position of EU structures and the attempts of the fourth President of Ukraine to win time to trade with the Russians have been reproduced. The thesis about the Donetsk clan’s attempts to prepare public opinion for a 180 degree turn in late October - early November 2013 has been presented. For this purpose, demonstration meetings were organized with representatives of Ukrainian business and trade unions, who called for revision of plans for European integration on their own initiative. The main role in manipulating public opinion rested on the government of Mykola Azarov and the Verkhovna Rada, which had a majority coalition led by the Party of Regions. Instead, Viktor Yanukovych continued his European integration rhetoric and reiterated to Western partners his own willingness to sign the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. On November 21, the real position of the ruling elite was made available to the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine. According to it, the process of preparation for the signing of the Association Agreement was suspended, the proposal was made for the trilateral Ukraine-EU-Russia negotiations, and the ministries were tasked with developing measures to maintain economic ties with the CIS countries. The decision was rejected by European partners and led to Yanukovych’s attempts to find other ways to thwart the signing of the Agreement. It has been proved that this role was played by Yanukovych’s requirements for financial assistance from the EU amounting to about 160 billion euros, which aimed to prevent the signing of the Association Agreement. Key words: Viktor Yanukovych, association of Ukraine with the EU, эYulia Tymoshenko, European integration, Pat Cox, Alexander Kwasniewski, Vladimir Putin.

Russia and the Iraq War: was Putin’s policy a failure?

2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Galia Golan
Keyword(s):  
Iraq War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Gulf War ◽  
International Crisis ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
Difficult Time ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Russian President ◽  
Post War ◽  
Vladimir Putin

Although Russian President Vladimir Putin has been faced with numerous crises since coming to office in 2000, most importantly the war in Chechnya, the Iraq War was the first major international crisis with which his administration was confronted. As in the case of Kosovo for Yeltsin, and the Gulf War for Gorbachev, the Russian President had to deal with conflicting domestic pressures and apparently still more conflicting Russian national and international interests. Indeed, one result of such a situation was a post-war accusation that Putin actually had no policy or at least no consistent policy with regard to the Iraq crisis [Golan, G., 1992. Gorbachev’s difficult time in the Gulf. Political Science Quarterly 107 (2), 213–230]. One may remember similar accusations of Gorbachev’s ‘‘zigzaging’’ in the Gulf War and claims that the Yeltsin government failed to forge a Kasovo policy altogether [Levitin, O., 2000. Inside Moscow’s Kosovo muddle. Survival 42 (1), 130]. Yet, a certain pattern did appear to repeat itself in the Iraqi crisis, namely, pre-war efforts to prevent a military conflict from breaking out, then gradual escalation of rhetoric if not actual involvement, and finally gradual but relatively rapid retreat to conciliatory posture toward the United States (in all three crises). Moreover, Putin was indeed consistent throughout the pre-crisis, crisis and post-crisis periods in his opposition to the Americans’ use of force against Iraq and in the need to remain within a United Nations framework. Actually, one might ask (and we shall below) why Putin did not abandon the first part of this policy, in order to maintain the second component, when it became certain that the U.S. was going to attack, with or without UN Security Council approval.

Places Close to Our Hearts

Near Abroad ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerard Toal
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Council Meeting ◽  
The North ◽  
Russian President ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
Munich Security Conference ◽  
Sphere Of Influence ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Vladimir Putin

When U.S. President George W. Bush first met Russian president Vladimir Putin, he praised him as “an honest, straightforward man who loves his country.” Bush indicated that, more than a decade after the Cold War ended, it was “time to move beyond suspicion and towards straight talk.” Thereafter, both presidents established a good working relationship based, in part, on candor and frankness. Putin’s speech at the Munich security conference did not please his hosts, but it had the virtue of clarifying important differences. Similarly, his speech to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)–Russia Council meeting in Bucharest was forthright and blunt. The compromise language of the Bucharest Declaration—Georgia and Ukraine “will become members of NATO”—was a personal rebuke to the Russian leader, for he had made it clear that NATO expansion to these countries was a “red line” for Russia. Two years earlier Russian foreign minister Sergey Lavrov warned publicly that Georgia and Ukraine joining NATO could lead to “a collossal shift in global geopolitics.” But those promoting NATO membership for both believed the Russian position amounted to anachronistic sphere-of-influence thinking, and they were determined to prevent what they described as a “Russian veto” on NATO expansion. Putin’s remarks on Georgia in Bucharest—discussed in chapter 4—attracted few headlines. His alleged comments on Ukraine, however, were viewed with alarm at the time by some and considered ominously prophetic by many after 2008, and especially so in the spring of 2014. According to an unnamed NATO country official, an irate Putin turned to Bush and said: “George, you do realize that Ukraine is not even a state. What is Ukraine? Part of its territory is Eastern Europe but the greater part is a gift from us!” Putin reportedly then indicated that should Ukraine join NATO, the state may cease to exist. Russia would then tear off Crimea and eastern Ukraine from the rest of the country. Six years later it appeared Russia was doing precisely this.

Ramzan Kadyrov: The Indigenous Key to Success in Putin's Chechenization Strategy?

2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 659-687 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Russell
Keyword(s):  
Final Stage ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Russian President ◽  
Vladimir Putin ◽  
Rapid Transformation

On 15 February 2007 Vladimir Putin accepted the resignation of Alu Alkhanov as President of Chechnya and nominated the Chechen prime minister—Ramzan Kadyrov—to act as his successor. This appointment, duly rubber-stamped by Chechnya's parliament, brought to an end to more than four months of speculation since 5 October 2006, when Kadyrov attained the age of 30 and thus became eligible for the post of Chechnya's head of state. Kadyrov's elevation to de jure rather than de facto supremacy in Chechen society not only completed the final stage of the remarkably rapid transformation of this one-time rebel, juvenile thug and political ingénue but also put Putin's policy of Chechenization firmly back on track, which had been effectively derailed since the assassination of Chechnya's first pro-Russian president—Akhmad Kadyrov—Ramzan's father, in May 2004.

scholarly journals Ambassador of the Vatican Archbishop and the Apostolic Nuncio to the Russian Federation, Celestino Migliore’s interview with editor-in-chief of the Journal Burganov House Space of culture

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 14-23
Author(s):  
Maria Burganova ◽  
Celestino Migliore
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Canon Law ◽  
Council Of Europe ◽  
Pope Francis ◽  
Holy See ◽  
Russian President ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Vladimir Putin ◽  
Further Development

We are pleased to present an academic interview with the Ambassador of the Vatican Archbishop Celestino Migliore, the Apostolic Nuncio to the Russian Federation, who kindly agreed to answer questions asked by Maria A. Burganova, the editor-in-chief of the journal Burganov House. The Space of Culture. The meeting between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Pope Francis, which will undoubtedly facilitate further development of relations in the context of the positive historical dialogue that has long been developing between the Vatican and Russia, was the impetus for the interview. Archbishop Celestino Migliore, an Italian prelate and Vatican diplomat, is the Apostolic Nuncio to the Russian Federation since May 28, 2016. Archbishop Migliore has a master’s degree in theology from the Center of Theological Studies in Fossano and Doctorate in Canon Law from the Pontifical Lateran University in the Vatican. He has been in the diplomatic service of the Holy See in different countries since 1980. He was appointed as Special Envoy to the Council of Europe in Strasbourg, the Under-Secretary of the Section for Relations with States of the Vatican’s Secretariat of State, and the Permanent Observer of the Holy See to the United Nations. Celestino Migliore received his episcopal consecration from John Paul II on January 6, 2003.

scholarly journals The role of ethnocultural factors in the development of medical tourism

2021 ◽  
pp. 64-74
Author(s):  
Viktor Aleksandrovich Bakhtin
Keyword(s):  
Medical Tourism ◽  
Sociology Of Culture ◽  
Medical Sciences ◽  
Positive Attitudes ◽  
Russian President ◽  
Consistent Group ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Vladimir Putin ◽  
Large Press

The subject of this research is the eth0culture of medical tourism. On December 17, 2020, during a large press conference, the Russian President Vladimir Putin emphasized the importance for the development of domestic tourism. There is much concern about the citizens’ health, which raises the question on the promotion of domestic and inbound medical tourism, which is many ways lags behind the outbound medical tourism. Attraction of foreign citizens to the healthcare centers in Russia is one of the priority tasks of the National Project “Healthcare”. In this regard, there are new approaches that are not yet implemented. It implies that medicine is a part of culture, thus cannot but be unaffected by traditions and national mentality. To a great extent, the development of positive attitudes towards medical treatment in Russia depends on ethnocultural adaptation of medical tourists. Moreover, there is a consistent group of patients oriented towards the services of ethnomedicine. There are virtually no research dedicated to ethnomedicine within the framework of sociological interest in Russian literature, which actualizes the projection of approaches presented in the foreign sources onto polyethnic diversity of Russia. The aforementioned arguments stress the need for scientific examination of the possibility of using ethnocultural factors in promotion of medical and healthcare tourism. In the categorical field of medical sciences it cannot be implemented due to the absence of the corresponding problematic and terminological apparatus. However, the sociology of culture allows studying the problem from medical, culturological, and ethnological perspective, since it possess the methodology of scientific synthesis of all listed areas of knowledge. The research of ethnocultural factors of medical domestic and inbound tourism, which suggests not only a geographical change, but a change of ethnic environment as well, defines the novelty of this work and actualizes the conclusions on the proposed measures with regards to utilization of ethnocultural component in this sphere.

scholarly journals YEAR OF BAIKAL AND PROBLEMS OF TOURIST DEVELOPMENT OF THE BAIKAL NATURAL TERRITORY

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
S.K. Udalich ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Lake Baikal ◽  
Business Management ◽  
Tourism Industry ◽  
The State ◽  
Russian President ◽  
Tourist Development ◽  
Vladimir Putin ◽  
Natural Territory

The article presents the results of a study on the state and development of tourism in the Baikal natural territory; the indicators of the tourism industry over a number of years are considered. This industry faces special challenges and challenges in connection with the announcement by Russian President Vladimir Putin of 2021 as the Year of Baikal in Russia. The authors suggest separate ways to solve environmental, business, management, and tourism problems on lake Baikal and its surrounding territories.

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