scholarly journals URGENSI KAMPANYE PARTAI POLITIK SEBAGAI SARANA PENDIDIKAN POLITIK DALAM PERSPEKTIF UNDANG-UNDANG PEMILIHAN UMUM

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-154
Author(s):  
Akhmad Syahran

ABSTRAKPenelitian ini dilatar belakangi adanya undang-undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2016 Tentang Pemilihan Umum khususnya berkaitan masa kampanye partai politik yang pengaturannya masih bersifat umum dan tidak jelas. Penelitian ini mempunyai dua tujuan. Pertama, Menganalisis dan menjelaskan masa kampanye partai politik dalam perspektif undang-undang pemilihan umum. Kedua, menganalisis dan menjelaskan pendidikan politik dalam masa kampanye partai politik dalam perspektif undang-undang pemilihan umum. Metode penelitian ini menggunakan hukum normatif dengan dua pendekatan yaitu, pendekatan perundang-undangan (statute approach), dan pendekatan konseptual (conceptual approach), adapun metode analisis yang digunakan adalah analisis deskriftif kualitatif. Hasil penelitian ini penulis menyimpulkan bahwa: Pertama, masa kampanye partai politik dalam perspektif undang-undang pemilihan umum adalah mengatur batasan kampanye pemilu yang diatur dalam undang-undang pemilu namun pengaturannya bersifat umum dan tidak komperensif sehingga terdapat kekaburan norma hukum. Kedua, pendidikan politik dalam masa kampanye partai politik dalam perspektif undang-undang pemilu adalah bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari kampanye dan diatur dengan jelas dalam undang-undang pemilu, namun partai politik tidak menjalankan sesuai dengan amanah undang-undang. Rekomendasi dalam penelitian ini yaitu: Pertama, diperlukan adanya revisi undang-undang pemilu pasal 276 ayat (1) huruf a, b, c, d dan ayat (2) huruf f, g terkait masa kampanye pemilu. Kedua, partai politik hendaknya dapat menjalankan tugas dan kewajibannya dalam memberikan pendidikan politik kepada masyarakat dan pemilih sesuai dengan tujuan dari pendidikan politik yakni: meningkatkan kesadaran hak dan kewajiban masyarakat dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat, berbangsa, dan bernegara, meningkatkan partisipasi politik dan inisiatif masyarakat dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat, berbangsa, dan bernegara, dan meningkatkan kemandirian, kedewasaan, dan membangun karakter bangsa dalam rangka memelihara persatuan dan kesatuan bangsa sehingga dapat meningkatkan partisipasi pemilih dalam pemilihan umum.Kata Kunci: Pemilihan Umum, Masa Kampanye, Pendidikan Politik.ABSTRACTThis research is motivated by the existence of Law No. 7 of 2016 concerning General Elections, especially relating to the campaign period of political parties whose arrangements are still general and unclear. The campaign period of a political party in the perspective of the electoral law is to set the boundaries of the electoral campaign regulated in the electoral law but the regulation is general and not comprehensive so there is a lack of legal norms. Political education in the campaign period of political parties in the perspective of election law is an inseparable part of the campaign and is clearly regulated in electoral law, but political parties do not carry out according to the mandate of the law. So it is necessary to revise the election law article 276 section (1) letters a, b, c, d and section (2) letters f, g related to the election campaign period. Second, political parties should be able to carry out their duties and obligations in providing political education to the public and voters in accordance with the objectives of political education namely: increasing awareness of the rights and obligations of the community in the life of society, nation and state, increasing political participation and community initiatives in social life , nation and state, and increasing independence, maturity, and building the character of the nation in order to maintain national unity and integrity so as to increase voter participation in elections.Keywords: General Election, Campaign Period, Political Education.

Lentera Hukum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 337
Author(s):  
Erlina Erlina ◽  
Nika Normadilla

This paper examines Indonesia's current legislation on politics, inter alia, Political Parties Law, Election Law, and Parliament Law, by using gender analysis. This paper considers how these laws ensure equitable access, participation, control, and benefits for men and women. Under the justice and gender equality approach, these laws are not optimal, especially under the control and benefit indicators. In this context, Political Parties Law contributes more to the indicator of access, while Electoral Law provides access and participation indicators. At the same time, Parliament Law is expected to contribute the most to the control and benefit indicators. However, it is regrettable that Parliament Law does not comply with these two indicators. Also, the Constitutional Court's interpretation was not followed in a series of legislative revisions of Parliament Law. Therefore, the gender approach in the legislative revision of these three laws should be encouraged to benefit from social life with more just and non-discriminatory. It should also provide equal opportunity for every citizen to gain access, participatory rights, control, and benefits in development. Hence, it is inevitable to the importance of the government commitment in gender mainstreaming in policy, harmonization, and synchronization of laws and regulations. KEYWORDS: gender justice and equality, political laws, women's representation.


Yuridika ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 189
Author(s):  
M Anwar Rachman

This study discusses the Dispute Parties in Indonesia, that is the arrangement of Law and Dispute Resolution Practice According to the Political Parties Act No. 2 Year 2011 concerning Political Parties, as well as the concept of management in the future. The method which use is normative research method concern with three approach, first is statute approach, second is conceptual approach, third is historical approach, forth is case law approach. The results of this study showed that of some Political Parties Act in force in Indonesia none laws governing firmly, clearly and in detail the concept of arrangment dispute Parties. Each order is the old order, New Order, and the Reformation, there are different provisions concerning political party dispute resolution. Almost all of the Indonesian political parties dispute in political or internal conflicts in the body of a political party. Law No. 2 of 2011, which set of settlement of political parties is irrelevant today because, the legal norms in the Law referred double meaning (ambiquity), blurred (absurbty), and it is very broad sense (overbulkiness). In the future need to be more detailed settings related to the legal principles of the Dispute Arrangement of Parties, legal institutions and judges, procedural law, the authority to adjudicate disputes political party.


Author(s):  
Kevin Munger ◽  
Patrick J. Egan ◽  
Jonathan Nagler ◽  
Jonathan Ronen ◽  
Joshua Tucker

Abstract Does social media educate voters, or mislead them? This study measures changes in political knowledge among a panel of voters surveyed during the 2015 UK general election campaign while monitoring the political information to which they were exposed on the Twitter social media platform. The study's panel design permits identification of the effect of information exposure on changes in political knowledge. Twitter use led to higher levels of knowledge about politics and public affairs, as information from news media improved knowledge of politically relevant facts, and messages sent by political parties increased knowledge of party platforms. But in a troubling demonstration of campaigns' ability to manipulate knowledge, messages from the parties also shifted voters' assessments of the economy and immigration in directions favorable to the parties' platforms, leaving some voters with beliefs further from the truth at the end of the campaign than they were at its beginning.


2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 484-499
Author(s):  
Helen Traill

The question of what community comes to mean has taken on increasing significance in sociological debates and beyond, as an increasingly politicised term and the focus of new theorisations. In this context, it is increasingly necessary to ask what is meant when community is invoked. Building on recent work that positions community as a practice and an ever-present facet of human sociality, this article argues that it is necessary to consider the powerful work that community as an idea does in shaping everyday communal practices, through designating collective space and creating behavioural expectations. To do so, the article draws on participant observation and interviews from a community gardening site in Glasgow that was part of a broader research project investigating the everyday life of communality within growing spaces. This demonstrates the successes but also the difficulties of carving out communal space, and the work done by community organisations to enact it. The article draws on contemporary community theory, but also on ideas from Davina Cooper about the role of ideation in social life. It argues for a conceptual approach to communality that does not situate it as a social form or seek it in everyday practice, but instead considers the vacillation between the ideation and practices of community: illustrated here in a designated community place. In so doing, this approach calls into focus the frictions and boundaries produced in that process, and questions the limits of organisational inclusivity.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110083
Author(s):  
Michaela Maier ◽  
Carlos Jalali ◽  
Jürgen Maier ◽  
Alessandro Nai ◽  
Sebastian Stier

European elections have been described as second-order phenomena for voters, the media, but also parties. Yet, since 2009, there exists evidence that not only voters, but also political parties assign increasing significance to European elections. While initially ‘issue entrepreneurs’ were held responsible for this development, the latest campaigns have raised the question of whether mainstream parties are finally also campaigning on European issues. In this article, we examine European Union (EU) salience in the 2019 European Parliament (EP) campaigns of government and opposition parties and the predictors of their strategic behaviours. We test the relevance of factors derived from the selective emphasis and the co-orientation approach within an integrated model of strategic campaign communication based on expert evaluations of 191 parties in 28 EU member states. Results show that the traditional expectation that government parties silence EU issues does not hold anymore; instead, the average EU salience of government and opposition parties is similar on the national level. The strongest predictors for a party’s decision to campaign on EU issues are the co-orientation towards the campaign agendas of competing parties, and party’s EU position.


Author(s):  
Petro Vorona ◽  
S. A. Solovey

The article considers the issue of holding local elections on the example of one of the regions of Ukraine - Poltava region. The research hypothesis is based on the study of the dynamics of party representation in local governments of Poltava region as a central, iconic region to study the evolution of electoral sympathies and features of party building from the standpoint of public administration science. The author conducted a comparative analysis of the electoral preferences of Poltava residents in the local elections in terms of political parties and their dynamics in accordance with the 2015 elections. The development of democratic processes is directly dependent on the mechanisms and procedures for both local and parliamentary elections - the extent to which electoral law allows the majority of voters to understand the wide variety of political parties and candidates, allows opinion leaders to participate in elections. It is pointed out that there is a certain regrouping («political mimicry») of some political parties in the country, as a reestablishment of the «old political elite» and a campaign for local elections in a new composition and with a new name. The article focuses on strengthening the role of regionally influenced political parties in local elections. They allowed the local political elite to be more independent of all-Ukrainian parliamentary parties. Attention is drawn to local political party projects led by charismatic or financially influential politicians. It is noted that the local elections in 2020 continued the positive dynamics of change - from the previous convocation, only a quarter of people entered the Poltava Regional Council, and its membership was renewed by almost 70%. The dominance of the post-Soviet communist and Komsomol elites in the region, which were characterized by exceptional unity, is disappearing, although they retain some of their political electoral influence in the region. It is pointed out the need to further improve the provisions of the Electoral Code where it is necessary to lay down the principle of fairness in the distribution of seats on the main electoral list in accordance with the electoral rating of candidates.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (6) ◽  
pp. 607-613
Author(s):  
Mehmet Ali Ceyhan ◽  
Gültekin Günhan Demir ◽  
Gamze Babur Güler

AbstractBackgroundPolitical parties in Turkey execute political public meetings (PPMs) during their election campaign for members of the parliament (MoP). A great number of people attend these meetings. No guidelines exist regarding preparation and organization of health care services provided during these meetings. Furthermore, there is no study evaluating health care problems encountered in previous PPMs.ObjectivePolitical parties arranged PPMs in 2015 during the election campaign for general election of MoP. The present study aimed to investigate the context of health care services, the distribution of assigned health staff, as well as the number and the symptoms of patients admitted in health care tents in these PPMs.MethodsTwo general elections for MoP were done in Turkey on June 7, 2015 and November 1, 2015. Health care services were provided by the City Emergency Medical Services Department (CEMSD) in the cities. Demographic characteristics, symptoms, comorbid conditions, treatment, discharge, and hospital transfer of the patients were obtained from patient medical registration records. Information about the distribution and the number of the assigned staff was received from local CEMSDs. The impact of variables such as the number of attendees, heat index, humidity, and the day of the week on the number of patients and the patient presentation rate (PPR) were analyzed.ResultsA total of 97 PPMs were analyzed. The number of total attendees was 5,265,450 people. The number of patients seeking medical help was 1,991. The PPR was 0.5 (0.23-0.91) patients per 1,000 attendees. Mean age of the patients was 40 (SD=19) years old while 1,174 (58.9%) of the patients were female. A total of 1,579 patients were treated in the tents and returned to the PPM following treatment. Two-hundred and three patients were transferred to a hospital by ambulance. Transfer-to-hospital ratio (TTHR) was 0.05 (0.0-0.13) patients per 1,000 attendees. None of the patients suffered sudden cardiac death (SCD) or cardiac arrest. Medical conditions were the main cause for admission. The most common symptoms were dizziness, low blood pressure, fatigue, and hypertension, respectively. The most commonly used medical agents included pain killers and myorelaxants. The number of attendees, heat index, and weekend days were positively correlated with the number of the patients.Conclusion: The majority of medical conditions encountered in PPMs are easily treatable in health care tents settled in the meeting area. The number of attendees, heat index, and weekend days are factors associated with the number of patients.CeyhanMA, DemirGG, GülerGB. Evaluation of health care services provided in political public meetings in Turkey: a forgotten detail in politics. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2018;33(6):607–613.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Kubinec ◽  
Sharan Grewal

Is power-sharing an effective way for endangered transitional democracies to reduce political tensions and improve government performance? We provide one of the first quantitative tests of this question in Tunisia, the Arab Spring's only success story. We argue that power-sharing may reduce polarization for a limited time, but at the cost of undermining democratic institutions. To measure polarization, we examine all rollcall votes from Tunisia's first and second post-transition parliaments. We employ a time-varying ideal point model and examine whether power-sharing agreements led to convergence in political parties' ideal points. Our analysis reveals that Tunisia's national unity government in 2015 temporarily moderated political tensions and allowed for parliamentary activity to resume. However, despite a broadening of the coalition in mid-2016, polarization reemerged and crucial legislation stalled. Moreover, longitudinal survey data suggest that the failure of power-sharing in Tunisia contributed to disillusionment with political parties, parliament, and democracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 164-169
Author(s):  
I Gede Wijaya Kusuma ◽  
Ida Ayu Putu Widiati ◽  
Luh Putu Suryani

One of the functions of political parties in legislation is as a means of political education and socialization. Political parties are obliged to disseminate their political discourse to the public. However, in its implementation in the field, there are still political parties that have not maximized their function in providing political education to the public. This study discusses (1) What is the function of political parties in providing public political education and its influence on public participation in general elections? (2) What are the implications of political parties that do not implement public political education? This research was conducted by using normative legal research methods, primary and secondary sources of legal materials, methods of collecting legal materials using statute records and others, and analyzing legal materials using descriptive analysis methods. The results of this study indicate that according to Law No.2 of 2011, one of the functions of political parties is to provide political education as a means of education for the wider community to become Indonesian citizens who are aware of their rights and obligations in public. The importance of political education carried out by political parties to the maximum and in its actual essence will be able to have a very good impact on society, which means that people are able to become people who are aware of their obligations in giving choices to political parties or candidates who are true and sincere in terms of welfare. people. The implication of political parties that do not carry out public political education is to cause a decrease in public participation in general elections and this will also lead to apparently unhealthy political conditions and allow high abstention due to low levels of public participation.


2008 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 289-291
Author(s):  
Wayne P. Steger

Understanding why certain candidates get nominated is an important aspect of political scientists. This topic is a narrow one and influences a wider variety of subjects such as the political parties, general elections, and even the extent to which the United States is a democratic country. Presidential nominees matter—they become the foremost spokesperson and the personified image of the party (Miller and Gronbeck 1994), the main selectors of issues and policies for their party’s general election campaign (Petrocik 1996; Tedesco 2001), a major force in defining the ideological direction of a political party (Herrera 1995), and candidates that voters select among in the general election. This volume is devoted to presidential nominations and the 2008 nomination specifically.


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