scholarly journals Relasi Kuasa Ulama Sufi dan Negara dalam Kultur-Budaya Politik Indonesia

Author(s):  
Rubaidi Rubaidi

This article examines the critical role of the dimensions of Sufism represented by Sufi ulama in the public sphere (political power) state, either directly or indirectly. In Indonesian historicity, the relationship between Sufi ulama and the state has lasted centuries, even to the modern era. In political theory, there is a "descending of power" and an "ascending of power". Descending power is identical to religiopolitical power, namely power based on religion by placing Sufi scholars as representatives of the people and above the king's power. Power is interpreted as a political system that separates religion and state. This problematic relationship places Sufi ulama in a transcendent way to become part of the state both directly and remotely. Examples of ascending of power are shown clearly through the figures of Habib Lutfi bin Yahya and KH. Maimun Zubair (Mbah Maimun) is in the midst of a potential nation clash during the 2019 presidential election process. This study is based on secondary sources in related references and primary sources. The primary source is based on the thoughts of a Sufi teacher and the murshid of Majelis Shalawat Kubro, Shalawat Muhammad, and Shalawat Adlimiyah in East Java.

Author(s):  
Seema S.Ojha

History is constructed by people who study the past. It is created through working on both primary and secondary sources that historians use to learn about people, events, and everyday life in the past. Just like detectives, historians look at clues, sift through evidence, and make their own interpretations. Historical knowledge is, therefore, the outcome of a process of enquiry. During last century, the teaching of history has changed considerably. The use of sources, viz. textual, visual, and oral, in school classrooms in many parts of the world has already become an essential part of teaching history. However, in India, it is only a recent phenomenon. Introducing students to primary sources and making them a regular part of classroom lessons help students develop critical thinking and deductive reasoning skills. These will be useful throughout their lives. This paper highlights the benefits of using primary source materials in a history classroom and provides the teacher, with practical suggestions and examples of how to do this.


Author(s):  
Kausar Ali ◽  
Huang Minxing

This research discusses the response of the religious people to the corona pandemic in Pakistan. The study aims to answer why the Islamists refused to cooperate with the state authorities in its struggle against the pandemic? This study is based on the theory of existential security which states that natural calamities and disasters always increase religiosity in the people. This study is based on analysing all the existing primary and secondary sources in the form of books, research articles and government reports. The discussion in this paper is based on the qualitative analysis of all the existing sources. This study has argued that the Islamists refused to support the state policymakers because they firmly believed that the virus emerged because of Allah’s wrath. The study has also found that the response of the Tablighi Jamaat (henceforth TJ), other religious organisations, and clerics amid the coronavirus in the country was indeed a religious coping strategy. This strategy is commonly used by people whenever they face a life-threatening situation. The study suggests that Pakistan could not resist the Islamists because resisting them could cause severe problems in the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-78
Author(s):  
Muhammad Yusuf Patria

This article is aimed at discussing the critical analysis of a Muslim thinker, Malik Bennabi, of the state of contemporary Muslim society. This discussion uses a descriptive-analytic approach with Bennabi's works as the primary source and other supporting works as secondary sources. Bennabi's definition of a society, especially its origin, basic elements, and its stages, is described in detail as a basis for understanding Bennabi's thoughts. then, the article discusses Bennabi's analysis and criticism of the current state of Muslim society. For him, the root of all the problems experienced by Muslim society today is an internal weakness or what he calls "colonisability". This situation, according to him, creates vulnerable individuals and societies to be "colonized" again. Bennabi referred to these individuals in Muslim society as “Post-Muwaḥḥiddūn man”, as a sign that internal weaknesses began to emerge in Muslim society after the Muwaḥḥid dynasty. Based on his explanation, it can be concluded that the current Muslim society is disoriented and has lost its identity. The author also concludes that Bennabi's approach and analysis are able to describe the current state of Muslim society and the root of the problems it is experiencing.


2015 ◽  
Vol 64 (6/7) ◽  
pp. 489-502 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Mathias

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate the courses in library service jointly developed and run by the University and the National Library of Wales in Aberystwyth, between 1917 and 1928. Design/methodology/approach – An historical approach is adopted and use has been made of relevant extant primary sources held in the National Library, as well as various notices and reports of the courses published in the journals of the time. Findings – Strong similarities between the Summer Schools in Library Service of 100 years ago and the degree programmes currently offered via distance learning by the Department of Information Studies have been indicated. Research limitations/implications – Due to the nature of the research and the reliance on the survival of primary source material, it has not been possible to trace a complete set of Directors’ Reports, which would have offered greater insight into the content of the later Summer Schools as well as the people who attended these courses. Originality/value – The year 2014 marks the 50th anniversary of the foundation of the College of Librarianship Wales, (which has evolved into the Department of Information Studies at Aberystwyth University). However, the roots of this educational establishment can be traced back nearly 50 years earlier to the University’s Summer Schools in library service. This is a largely unexplored subject but represents the first step towards the establishment of the current Department of Information Studies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Juan Pablo Angelone

Resumen Sostenida particularmente durante la presidencia de Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989), la “teoría de los dos demonios es considerada la memoria hegemónica-dominante referida a la última dictadura cívico-militar argentina (1976-1983). A su vez, el Informe de la Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas (CONADEP) el “Nunca Más”, suele ser considerado una expresión de dicha memoria. Según nuestra hipótesis, el “Nunca Más” no suscribe la “teoría de los dos demonios” sino una memoria diferente aunque no antitética. El objetivo del presente trabajo consiste en caracterizar ambos conjuntos de representaciones con el fin de señalar las diferencias entre ellos. Nuestro corpus de análisis incluye como fuentes primarias los escritos y declaraciones de Alfonsín relativos al tema así como también el Prólogo del “Nunca Más” presentado en 1984. Dado que la autoría de este último es atribuida a Ernesto Sabato, presidente de la CONADEP, también se consideran algunas declaraciones del mencionado autor. Dichas fuentes primarias son históricamente contextualizadas a partir del uso de fuentes secundarias, dentro de las cuales incluimos el estado del arte relativo a la “teoría de los dos demonios”. Concluimos que si bien el planteo de Alfonsín y el Prólogo original del “Nunca Más” coinciden en el rechazo a la violencia como medio de expresión política, Alfonsín pone en un plano de igualdad a dos actores: el guerrillerismo izquierdista y el golpismo, mientras que el Prólogo critica tres modalidades de violencia: la guerrilla, el terrorismo paraestatal de derecha, actor no mencionado por Alfonsín, y el terrorismo dictatorial.  Between two demons and three violences: Alfonsín’s administration and the senses of the state terrorism memory in contemporary Argentina Abstract  Particularly held during Raul Alfonsín’s presidency (1983 – 1989), “the theory of the two demons” is considered the dominant-hegemonic memory referred to the last Argentine civic-military dictatorship (1976 – 1983). In turn, the report of the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (CONADEP)- “Nunca Más” (Never Again) is usually considered an expression of the aforesaid memory. According to our hypothesis, “Nunca Más” does not subscribe to the “theory of the two demons” but to a different memory – though not antithetical. The aim of the current paper consists of characterizing both groups of representations in order to point out the differences between them. Our corpus of analysis includes as main sources Alfonsín’s documents and statements concerned with the issue, as well as the “Nunca Más” prologue, presented in 1984. Some statements of Ernesto Sabato, CONADEP’s president, are also considered due to the fact that the authorship of the latter work mentioned has been attributed to him. Such primary sources are historically contextualized from the use of secondary sources, which within we include the state of the art relative to “the theory of the two demons”. We conclude that even though Alfonsín’s proposal and the original “Nunca Más” prologue coincide in the rejection of violence as a means of political expression, Alfonsín places in an equal position two actors – the left-wing guerrilla and the coup – while the prologue criticizes 3 violence modalities: the guerrilla, the right-wing semi-official terrorism – actor not mentioned by Alfonsín – and the dictatorial terrorism. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 2915-2927
Author(s):  
Fagu Tudu, Ratnakar Mohapatra

Education in tribal societies has helped in maintenance of social structure and goal attainment for a sustained living. The Hill Kharias are the primitive tribal people of Mayurbhanj of the state of Odisha in Eastern India. The development of education of the Hill Kharia community/society of Mayurbhanj is the main aspect of the improvement of the primitive tribal communities of the state of Odisha. The Government of India issued directions vide the letter. No. 20018 5/81- ITDA dated 27th April 1980 for the identification of Primitive Tribal Groups, keeping in view the facts that attention to certain tribal groups’ backwardness. In India Hill Kharia is one of the primitive tribal groups living mainly in the forest and hilly covered areas of the Mayurbhanj district of Odisha. Mentally, the people of Hill Kharia tribe of Mayurbhanj are very weak, because of lack of proper education, awareness, adequate foodstuffs, for which they are backward in present society. Odisha has possessed a distinct place in tribal history of India and it is the home of a number of different types of tribes. Different development programmes for education have been implemented through the different govt. or Non govt. agencies. On the basis of field study made by the earlier scholars including the present authors, the Hill Kharias are residing in the Mayurbhanj district of Odisha. The aim of this paper is to focus on educational status of the Hill Kharias of Mayurbhanj district of Odisha. Methodologically, both the primary and secondary sources have been used in the present article.


2009 ◽  
pp. 71-95
Author(s):  
Ferrari Maria Aparecida

- The aim of this essay is to argue a new thesis about the conception of the rightful autonomy of the political or civil sphere from that of religion and the Church. On the one hand, the relations between politics and religion are decided following the principle of autonomy, understood as a theoretical and practical affirmation of the autonomy of both spheres; autonomy supported by reciprocal collaboration in the service of the person. The secular State is a State of reason, grounded on rights and duties and on relations that do not oppose to religion, recognised as one of the multiple reality that constitute the public sphere. On the other hand, it is important to discern two different propositions of autonomy in the modern context. The first is marked with a hostile openness towards religion and a second, which is attentive to dialogue with it. The reason for this dichotomy has been caused by misunderstanding democratic reality, which are possible to solve with a double discernment: in what sense are all the people the foundation of political sovereignty? And which is the democratic value of ethic pluralism? Popular sovereignty becomes real when there is an effective respect of the inviolable nature of a several goods of the human person, beyond the different interests of the State or of the majority. Pluralism, when it is severed from the ethic of indifference and it is not relegated to private life, is another barrier in the face of the ambition of the State.Keywords: laicality, laicism, democracy, sovereignty, pluralism


Acta Comitas ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 247
Author(s):  
Gusti Ayu Indira Chandra Mahayani ◽  
I Wayan Parsa ◽  
I Nyoman Sumardika

The Article 73 (1) (e) of the Law 2/2014 concerning the Amendment of Law 30/2004 on Public Notary (UUJNP), regulates that the Regional Supervisory Council (MPW) has the authority to give sanction to a public notary, either verbally or in written. However, based on the empirical findings, there is a decision of Bali’s MPW that gives temporary suspension to Notary X. This finding, reflects the gap between the theory of law and its actual implementation of a supervisory conduct of the Bali’s MPW, specifically on giving a punishment. The purpose of this study is to critically analyze the legal position of the decision of the Supervisory Board of the Bali Province Region as a decision of the State Administration Officer and Identify the implementation of an appeal by the Notary X on the decision of the Bali Province Regional Supervisory Board. By using the juridic empirical approach, which the primary sources were obtained through indepth interviews with interviewees and the secondary sources of data were obtained through library research on primary, secondary, and tertiary source of law. This research shows that the appeal process was effectively conducted as required by the Article 77 UUJNP and Article 33 vide Article 35 Miniter of Law and Human Rights Regulation M.02.Pr.08.10/2004 and the decision’s letter of Bali’s MPW as a state officials could be subjected to a lawsuit by a public notary or any other affected parties to the State Administration Court as an Administrative Dispute. However, until 2018 there are no decisions of Bali Province’s MPW ever being sued to the Administrative Court.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (24) ◽  
pp. 144-176
Author(s):  
Junaidi Awang Besar

Malacca is a state that has a mix of voters of 58 percent of voters are ethnic Malays. Malay voters in the state known for its rigid and fanatical supporters of UMNO makes the majority of Malays in the country contributed to a major victory for the BN/UMNO in the general election. The state is known for its legendary Hang Tuah with the slogan "Tak Melayu Hilang Di Dunia" has loyal voters who support UMNO is also a sacred Malay party since before independence. But since the 2008 general election, Chinese voters who originally also supported BN have turned to DAP and other opposition component parties. Urban areas and the majority of ethnic Chinese voters continue to be dominated by DAP and its allied opposition parties. The culmination of the 14th General Election (GE), 2018, finally the state fell to the opposition party pact, Pakatan Harapan (PH) with a slim majority with 15 DUNs won by PH compared to 13 DUNs controlled by BN. Therefore, the purpose of writing this article is to analyze the State of Melaka in Malaysian geopolitics in the pre-GE-14, GE-14, and post-GE-14. Based on the analysis of GE 2018 results data, field observations and analysis of secondary sources such as journal articles and conference papers, the findings show that PH's success in capturing the Melaka from BN is an amazing event and beyond the expectations of all parties. However, the political change was due to national issues and the determination to bring down BN by voters, especially the young or first-time voters. Although PH managed to capture the Melaka PH only won with a slim majority of only 2 DUNs. PH win in urban areas and the majority of ethnic Chinese and the BN/UMNO continues to excel in the rural areas and the majority ethnic Malays. Then when BERSATU left PH and formed the National Alliance (PN) together with BN/UMNO, PAS, GPS, and GBS which controlled the Federal Government in March 2020 then the Melaka State Government also fell from PH to PN led by BN as a result of the party jump by two BERSATU assemblymen, one PKR assemblyman and one DAP assemblyman made PN controls 17 DUN seats while PH only has 11 DUN seats left. Such is the science of politics, nothing is impossible and politics itself is dynamic, artistic, and sometimes difficult to anticipate. Therefore, all parties must accept the political decision of the people of Melaka and give the opportunity to the leadership of the State Government to carry out their responsibilities as rulers in this state to implement the manifesto or 'commitment' during the five years of their rule in this historic state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 102
Author(s):  
Taha Abdel Aal Taha Mohamed

This study aimed at addressing the relationship between religion and state, by reviewing the evolution of that relationship in the western vision, beginning with the dominance of the Church in the medieval period, and the emergence of the theocratic state, then ideas of secularism, and the conflict between religion and state in the Frame of ideology, Then reviewing a regression in the thesis of the transition to secularism and the emergence of religious presence in the public sphere. On the other hand, the study dealt with the relationship between religion and state in the Islamic vision in its Asian Models. Where the study dealt with the model of the "Madina State" during the era of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), which is the Islamic model that spread in the Asian Peninsula, which was the basis of Sunni Islamic thought later. The study also dealt with the "Wilayat al-Faqih" model, which forms the basis of Shiite thought in Iran. The study relied on the descriptive approach that deals with the analysis and description of the phenomenon. This approach was used in this study to trace the development of the relationship between religion and state in the western vision and Islamic vision in its Asian models. The study concluded with some results. The most important of these was that: the Western vision to a certain extent passed with integration between religion and the state, as embodied in the model of the "Theocratic State" in the Medieval Period, where the church dominated all the political and social affairs of the state. The Western vision also to a certain extent passed with separation between the religion and the state, as embodied in the model of "secularism", where modernity was linked to the non-involvement of religion in politics, The Western vision also passed with the emergence of a regression in the thesis of the transition to secularism, as reflected in the model of "religious presence in the public sphere. Finally, the Islamic vision with its Asian Models witnessed the difficulty of full integration or separation between the religion and the state, as embodied in the model of the "Madina State" during the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), and its thought which is followed by Sunni Islamic thought. And the Shiite "Wilayat al-Faqih" model, which was the origin of a religious mandate for political power, although it differs from the "Theocratic State" model completely.


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