scholarly journals Social and political divisions in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the 1990 elections

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (5) ◽  
pp. 163-187
Author(s):  
Amir Ahmetović ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Socialist Republic ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Cultural Divide ◽  
Social Divisions ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Center Periphery

Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a very suitable experimental space for the analysis of integrative policy in the conditions, war and long-lasting crisis, of a devastated society which, due to the challenges of history, is deeply divided. In such a space, applying the analytical model designed and used by Seymour Lipset and Stein Rokan, the paper deals with the detection of social divisions that underlie party preferences in the 1990 elections for the Assembly of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Analyzes of pre-election and post-election activities of political entities show the existence of an important link between ethno-confessional characteristics and attitudes on political issues and party preferences, which in accordance with the used theoretical model creates preconditions for talking about social divisions that have turned into party divisions. It can be determined that they are bh. political parties formed, with all their specifics, on the basic lines of Bosnia and Herzegovina social divisions. In the analysis of the relationship between social and political space and the influence of the structure of society on political relations and divisions, it is possible to determine that party divisions and divisions, their segmentation and polarization are conditioned, above all, by the depth and dynamics of fundamental Bosnia and Herzegovina social divisions. The divisions that emerged in the pre-election period of 1990 (we can conditionally define them as divisions communism vs anti-communism) were pushed into the background in the first post-election year and priority was given to the split that S. Lipset and S. Rokan defined as the center-periphery split. (or the territorial-cultural split as, after adaptation, Professor Nenad Zakošek called it). The second part of the paper presents an overview of the most important political parties in the 1990 elections and continues to examine the applicability of S. Lipset and S. Rokan's theory of turning social divisions into party divisions, this time in the first year of ethno-confessional parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Analyzing the basic lines of historical ethnic and confessional divisions in Bosnia and Herzegovina society and in the sphere of political (sub) system through indicators such as: predominant (ethnic, confessional, linguistic, cultural and regional) identifications, the relationship between ethno-confessional and civil, the relationship to the rights and freedoms guaranteed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the Constitution, the attitude towards different solutions to the state question (remaining in the common state of Yugoslavia vs. the independent Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina) tested the hypothesis that historical lines of ethno-confessional splits represent the basic determinant of political goals. It can be seen that the territorial-cultural divide (primarily in the form of center-periphery conflict) is actually a kind of complete split, given that it is a split that involves conflict between stable social groups (residents of the center and periphery but also members of different ethnic and confessional communities). In the Bosnia and Herzegovina case, these are (ethnic and confessional) communities that have different views on the most important issues of the social organization of the common state, which results in open conflict on the political scene in the form of voting for different political options, which can be transformed by ethnopolitical elites. (very easily) into various forms of violence against others and different in the territory that is under their political (and police) control.

scholarly journals The All-Buryat Congress for the Spiritual Rebirth and Consolidation of the Nation: Siberian politics in the final year of the USSR

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-71
Author(s):  
Melissa Chakars
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Socialist Republic ◽  
Soviet Socialist Republic ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
People's Party ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Russian State ◽  
General Goals

This article examines the All-Buryat Congress for the Spiritual Rebirth and Consolidation of the Nation that was held in the Buryat Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in February 1991. The congress met to discuss the future of the Buryats, a Mongolian people who live in southeastern Siberia, and to decide on what actions should be taken for the revival, development, and maintenance of their culture. Widespread elections were carried out in the Buryat lands in advance of the congress and voters selected 592 delegates. Delegates also came from other parts of the Soviet Union, as well as from Mongolia and China. Government administrators, Communist Party officials, members of new political parties like the Buryat-Mongolian People’s Party, and non-affiliated individuals shared their ideas and political agendas. Although the congress came to some agreement on the general goals of promoting Buryat traditions, language, religions, and culture, there were disagreements about several of the political and territorial questions. For example, although some delegates hoped for the creation of a larger Buryat territory that would encompass all of Siberia’s Buryats within a future Russian state, others disagreed revealing the tension between the desire to promote ethnic identity and the practical need to consider economic and political issues.

In the Shadow of Kosovo. Divergent National Pathways and the Politics of Differentiation in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 289-311
Author(s):  
Robert Pichler
Keyword(s):  
Nation Building ◽  
Ethnic Communities ◽  
Interethnic Relations ◽  
Socialist Republic ◽  
Republic Of Macedonia ◽  
Social Divisions ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
The Common ◽  
Historical Developments

Abstract The author examines the roots of Albanian nationalism in Yugoslavia, focusing on the Socialist Republic of Macedonia (SRM). He displays regional historical developments, interethnic relations, and Kosovo’s political impact upon Albanians in Macedonia. By analysing Macedonian and Albanian nation-building processes from an entangled and comparative perspective, he sheds light on shifting power constellations, divergent social developments, and asynchronous processes of national emancipation. After the occurrence in 1981 of Albanian demonstrations in Kosovo and in western Macedonia, officials in the SRM aimed at counteracting Albanian nationalism with a policy of differentiation—that is, they aimed at drawing a clear dividing line between Albanians loyal or disloyal to Yugoslavia. This punitive policy failed on all levels, further deepening the social divisions between the two major ethnic communities of the SRM and alienating even those Albanians well integrated in the common state and republic.

scholarly journals Possibilities for a peaceful settlement of disputes in Bosnia and Herzegovina: September 1991 - April 1992

2008 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 456-480
Author(s):  
Sasa Mrduljas
Keyword(s):  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Socialist Republic ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Legal Structure ◽  
Awkward Position ◽  
Long Duration ◽  
Peaceful Settlement ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Settlement Of Disputes

It had undoubtedly been the inadequate political and legal structure of the ethnic status and relations in the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well the unwillingness of the political elites to make a compromise that created a rather favorable potential for destructive shaping of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian social conditions. Immediately before the outbreak of war in BH (1992-1995) the preconditions had been created for a comparatively peaceful settlement of the unresolved political issues within the republic. Taking into consideration that the international community had assumed to act as a mediator its role could have been very important. However, with its 'pre-war' position to BH it did not take advantage of the opportunities that were offered to settle or simplify the internal Bosnian and Herzegovinian political disputes, but, on the contrary, it contributed to the outbreak of war, its destructiveness and long duration, getting itself into a rather awkward position. .

Relasi Agama dan Demokrasi; Telaah Kritis Eksistensi Partai Islam Di Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 391-404
Author(s):  
Nur Khasanah ◽  
Achmad Irwan Hamzani
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Cultural Anthropology ◽  
Critical Examination ◽  
Actual Reality ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
Islamic Political Parties ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Religion And Democracy

AbstractThis study discusses the relation between religion and democracy; critical examination of the existence of Islamic parties in Indonesia. This study is a qualitative study based on library (library research). The approach used is descriptive qualitative which aims to illustrate or describe the reality that exists or what is happening or the actual reality of the object under study. Then interpreted in the form of a report. The approach used is the cultural anthropology approach. The results of this study indicate that Muslims interpret the relationship of religion and democracy to occur in three models, namely the negative, neutral and positive models. In the context of Islamic political parties in Indonesia, the basic problem is the inability of parties to package democratic issues, starting from the emergence of religious sentiment, politicization of religion, political pragmatism in PKS parties. Furthermore, the PPP party has problems with party regeneration, leadership dualism, and political attitudes. Whereas the UN party is seen in the absence of a leader figure and political culture.Keywords: Religion, Democracy, Islamic Party AbstrakStudi ini membahas tentang relasi agama dan demokrasi; telaah kritis eksistensi Partai-Partai Islam di Indonesia. Kajian ini merupakan studi kualitatif berbasis kepustakaan (library research). Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif yang bertujuan untuk memberi gambaran atau mendeskripsikan kenyataan yang ada atau apa yang terjadi atau kenyataan sebenarnya pada obyek yang diteliti. Kemudian diinterprestasikan dalam bentuk laporan. Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah pendekatan antropologi budaya. Hasil penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa kaum muslim memaknai bahwa relasi agama dan demokrasi terjadi dalam tiga model, yakni model negatif, netral, dan positif. Dalam konteks partai-partai politik Islam di Indonesia, problem mendasar adalah ketidakmampuan partai dalam mengemas isu-isu demokrasi, mulai dari muncul sentimen keagamaan, politisasi agama, pragmatisme politik pada partai PKS. Selanjutnya pada partai PPP terdapat masalah pada kaderisasi partai, dualisme kepemimpinan, dan sikap politik. Sedangkan pada partai PBB terlihat pada ketiadaan figur pemimpin  dan kultur politik.Kata Kunci: Agama, Demokrasi, Partai Islam

PERSOALAN KEHIDUPAN KONTEMPORER: MENGGAGAS KAJIAN SACHEDINA TENTANG THEOLOGI PLURALISME

EMPIRISMA ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Limas Dodi
Keyword(s):  
Religious Pluralism ◽  
Main Argument ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Common View ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Religious Differences

According to Abdulaziz Sachedina, the main argument of religious pluralism in the Qur’an based on the relationship between private belief (personal) and public projection of Islam in society. By regarding to private faith, the Qur’an being noninterventionist (for example, all forms of human authority should not be disturb the inner beliefs of individuals). While the public projection of faith, the Qur’an attitude based on the principle of coexistence. There is the willingness of the dominant race provide the freedom for people of other faiths with their own rules. Rules could shape how to run their affairs and to live side by side with the Muslims. Thus, based on the principle that the people of Indonesia are Muslim majority, it should be a mirror of a societie’s recognizion, respects and execution of religious pluralism. Abdul Aziz Sachedina called for Muslims to rediscover the moral concerns of public Islam in peace. The call for peace seemed to indicate that the existence of increasingly weakened in the religious sense of the Muslims and hence need to be reaffi rmed. Sachedina also like to emphasize that the position of peace in Islam is parallel with a variety of other doctrines, such as: prayer, fasting, pilgrimage and so on. Sachedina also tried to show the argument that the common view among religious groups is only one religion and traditions of other false and worthless. “Antipluralist” argument comes amid the reality of human religious differences. Keywords: Theology, Pluralism, Abdulaziz Sachedina

Research and approaches to the integration processes in the European Union

2017 ◽  
pp. 126-133
Author(s):  
Alexander Motsyk
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
Country Level ◽  
Fourth Level ◽  
Methodological Principles ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Integration Levels

The article is devoted to the study of modern trends of integration processes. We studied the methodological principles and approaches to the study of the integration of subjects. Specifically analyzed integration levels: individual, regional, domestic, interstate, global. Also, isolated and characterized various forms of integration: political, economic, informational, cultural and others. We analyzed the integration process as a result of the relationship, cooperation, convergence and integration into a single unit of any parts, components countries, their economies, social and political structures, cultural, social and political groups, ethnic groups, political parties, movements and organizations. It is proved that integration has several levels of development. Interaction at the level of enterprises and organizations (first level) – directly to producers of goods and services. The integration of the economies of the main links of different countries is complemented by the interaction at the country level (the second level). The third level of development of integration processes – interaction at the level of parties and organizations, social groups and individuals from different countries – can be defined as a social and political one. Fourth level – is the level of the actual integration group as an economic community, with its characteristics and peculiarities. It was noted that today is used by political science approaches to the study of integration. It is important to the following principles: federalism, functionalism, communicative approach, and others. Keywords: Integration, levels, approaches, studies, European integration, politics, economics, features

ISLAM DAN PANCASILA DALAM PEMIKIRAN MOHAMMAD NATSIR

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Mhd Alfahjri Sukri
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Political Socialization ◽  
Scientific Literature ◽  
Research Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Direct Influence ◽  
Childhood Environment ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Relationship

This research was conducted to see how Mohammad Natsir thought about the relationship between Islam and Pancasila. This study also explains the causes of Natsir's change of mind which initially supported Pancasila as part of Islam and later turned into an opponent of Pancasila in Konstituante on 11 November to 6 December 1957. The methodology used was a qualitative method by describing the results of the analysis carried out. The research data is obtained through a review of documents and scientific literature. The results of the study show that Mohammad Natsir's change of mind regarding the relationship between Islam and Pancasila was influenced by Mohammad Natsir's political socialization which began from Natsir's view of Islam influenced by the childhood environment (conditional and socio-cultural) in Minangkabau; direct influence from national figures such as Ahmad Hassan, H. Agus Salim, Sheikh Ahmad Syurkati and H. O Tjokroaminoto; the indirect influence of international figures throughout reading book such as Hassan Al-Banna, Amir Syakib Arselan, Rashid Ridha and Muhammad Abduh; the influence of Natsir's organization and political parties, namely Jong Islamieten Bond (JIB), Islamic Unity (Persis), and Masyumi political parties; and the influence of the political conditions at that time which made Natsir's views change, which initially accepted Pancasila and then became an opponent of the Pancasila. This research shown there are two patterns of Natsir's relationship with Pancasila, namely (1) Natsir accepted Pancasila and, (2) Natsir opposed Pancasila.

Migraine: Genetic Variants and Clinical Phenotypes

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (34) ◽  
pp. 6207-6221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Innocenzo Rainero ◽  
Alessandro Vacca ◽  
Flora Govone ◽  
Annalisa Gai ◽  
Lorenzo Pinessi ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Genetic Variants ◽  
Association Studies ◽  
Mthfr Gene ◽  
Genome Wide Association Studies ◽  
Clinical Phenotypes ◽  
Network Analyses ◽  
Genome Wide ◽  
Genomic Studies ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Relationship

Migraine is a common, chronic neurovascular disorder caused by a complex interaction between genetic and environmental risk factors. In the last two decades, molecular genetics of migraine have been intensively investigated. In a few cases, migraine is transmitted as a monogenic disorder, and the disease phenotype cosegregates with mutations in different genes like CACNA1A, ATP1A2, SCN1A, KCNK18, and NOTCH3. In the common forms of migraine, candidate genes as well as genome-wide association studies have shown that a large number of genetic variants may increase the risk of developing migraine. At present, few studies investigated the genotype-phenotype correlation in patients with migraine. The purpose of this review was to discuss recent studies investigating the relationship between different genetic variants and the clinical characteristics of migraine. Analysis of genotype-phenotype correlations in migraineurs is complicated by several confounding factors and, to date, only polymorphisms of the MTHFR gene have been shown to have an effect on migraine phenotype. Additional genomic studies and network analyses are needed to clarify the complex pathways underlying migraine and its clinical phenotypes.

Parliamentarism and the Legislative Branch

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
András Sajó ◽  
Renáta Uitz
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Legislative Branch ◽  
Effective Decision ◽  
The Law ◽  
Internal Operations ◽  
Effective Decision Making ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Law Making

This chapter examines the relationship between parliamentarism and the legislative branch. It explores the evolution of the legislative branch, leading to disillusionment with the rationalized law-making factory, a venture run by political parties beyond the reach of constitutional rules. The rise of democratically bred party rule is positioned between the forces favouring free debate versus effective decision-making in the legislature. The chapter analyses the institutional make-up and internal operations of the legislature, the role of the opposition in the legislative assembly, and explores the benefits of bicameralism for boosting the powers of the legislative branch. Finally, it looks at the law-making process and its outsourcing via delegating legislative powers to the executive.

Searching for Political Parties in the Past

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Ancient Greece ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Common

Chapter 1 introduces the long and difficult process of the theoretical legitimation of the political party as such. The analysis of the meaning and acceptance of ‘parties’ as tools of expressing contrasting visions moves forward from ancient Greece and Rome where (democratic) politics had first become a matter of speculation and practice, and ends up with the first cautious acceptance of parties by eighteenth-century British thinkers. The chapter explores how parties or factions have been constantly considered tools of division of the ‘common wealth’ and the ‘good society’. The holist and monist vision of a harmonious and compounded society, stigmatized parties and factions as an ultimate danger for the political community. Only when a new way of thinking, that is liberalism, emerged, was room for the acceptance of parties set.

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