Ukrainian Studies as a Factor in the Education of a Nationally Conscious Personality

2021 ◽  
Vol XVII ◽  
pp. 43-57
Author(s):  
Larysa Maftyn

The article reveals the role of Ukrainian studies in the process of forming a nationally conscious personality. Scientific approaches to the interpretation of the concepts “national consciousness”, “national selfconsciousness”, “national identification”, “Ukrainian studies” are generalized. The thesis is substantiated that Ukrainian studies should become a scientific and practical basis for the development of modern education, updating its content and educational influences, adequate to the needs of an independent Ukrainian state. It is emphasized that in the existence of the Ukrainian people, the national identity is a leading factor in the formation of civil society.

Author(s):  
Alaigul Karabaevna Bekboeva

This article considers the role of the media as a partner of the state and society, as well as spontaneity. Due to this, media serve as one of the factors in the formation of national self-consciousness and its elements, such as shame. The author analyzes such element of national identity as national shame. It is proved that national shame as a social phenomenon has a social meaning of the regulator of human relationships in social existence. It is noted that national shame is socially determined, has a permanent character, and its socially significant semantic principles are passed from generation to generation as a form of behavior through implantation and interspersing it as a daily norm of people's behavior, giving each act a value-significant meaning.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Cisłak ◽  
Marta Pyrczak ◽  
Artur Mikiewicz ◽  
Aleksandra Cichocka

In three studies we examine the link between types of national identity and support for leaving the European Union (EU). We found that national collective narcissism (but not national identification without the narcissistic component) was positively associated with a willingness to vote Leave, over and above the effect of political orientation. This pattern was observed in a representative Polish sample (Study 1, n = 635), as well as in samples of Polish youth (Study 2, n = 219), and both Polish (n = 73) and British (n = 60) professionals employed in the field of international relations (Study 3). In Studies 2 and 3 this effect was mediated by biased EU membership perceptions. The role of defensive versus secure forms of in-group identification in shaping support for EU membership is discussed.


2007 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jørn Hansen

Artiklen beskriver fodboldspillets rolle i grænselandet, for fastholdelsen af det danske sindelag for en befolkning, der var udsat for såvel tysk som dansk kulturel sindelagspåvirkning. Jørn Hansen: Football in the border region. The struggle for the youth and illegal work in Tønder until 1945 On November 18th 1944 Aage Buhl Rosenkjær died in a German work-camp for prisoners of war in Svesing near Husum. In 1920 Rosenkjær had been appointed as a teacher at Tønder State School, one of the new Danish ‘gymnasiums’ or high schools that were established after 1920 in Danish market towns. It was Rosenkjær’s activities as a teacher of ball games and gymnastics and his community work as voluntary head of Tønder Sports Association and Tønder County Athletics Association that left significant marks on the small border community in Tønder. His interest in sport and his sympathies for Denmark lead to an involvement in work with young people, which during the course of the 1930s developed into a battle between proponents of Danish and German sympathies in the recruitment of young people. The article takes a closer look at the role of football and Rosenkjær in the border region in retaining and extending Danish sympathies in relation to a population that was exposed to both German and Danish national consciousness. This is an influence in which – as far as the formation of national identity is concerned – sports history has most often accorded a decisive role to gymnastics and German »turnen« (gymnastics). However, particular circumstances relating to the border region meant that football played a more decisive role for those who were to choose a national standpoint.


2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (9) ◽  
pp. 4-11
Author(s):  
Rafail Ayvaz Ahmadli ◽  
◽  
Lala Yashar Ahmadova ◽  

The article discusses the role of the "gachag movement (a form of rebel movement of fugitives)" in the formation of national self-consciousness in the north of Azerbaijan, the reasons for its occurrence, an appreciation of their struggle against the russian imperial regime and against the dishonesty of local oppressors by this regime, explores the causes of popular love, praise, protection and the creation of heroic epics about them. The article reveals the special activities of such famous fugitives who gained respect among ordinary people for their courage in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries, us Gachag Nyabi from Gubadli (in the former Zangezur district), Dely Alu and Gambar from Ganja, Suleiman, Murtuza and Mamed-Bek Cavalier from Karabakh, Yusif from Zagatala, Karim Efendi oglu Gutgashenli from Nukha, Gachag Karim from Gazakh and the woman Gachag Gulsum from Shamkir popularly known as “Gachag Suleiman”. The article emphasizes not only the national character of the "gachag movement" in Azerbaijan, but also their contribution to the formation of national self-consciousness to a greater extent than the role of thinkers of that time. Key words: North Azerbaijan, national identity, the Russian imperial regime, the "gachag movement", the occupation of Russian imperia, the 19th century, the struggle, local beks (nobles), gentlemen (little nobles)


Modern Italy ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 269-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valentina Ciciliot

During his long pontificate, John Paul II pursued a wide and carefully articulated policy of canonisations whose aim was to underwrite his magisterium by presenting hagiographical models that would convey well-defined pastoral teaching and contain both ecclesiastical and ecclesiological messages for the faithful. The high number of Italians declared blessed and/or made saints analysed in the present article is proof of the special interest the Pope showed in Italy and specifically in the sanctity of the country. The high concentration of beatifications and canonisations of hagiographical figures from Italy can be explained only in part by the canonical system, which regulates the process of canonisation and which makes it easier to open and support a cause, above all from a financial point of view, if the pressure group behind the candidate for sainthood is located near the Vatican. More precisely, what emerges is both the attempt to create a specific public image of Italy as a nation which has been a historic stronghold of Catholicism and is still capable of reacting to secularisation, and the objective of laying down more effective guidelines and robust directives for civil society. In other words, by proposing Italian hagiographical models, John Paul II was striving to mould Italy's national identity in a Christian form, conferring on the country the role of model for other European states.


Author(s):  
Vitalina Kyzylova

The article comprehends the ideological-political, historiosophical beliefs of Ulas Samchuk, the author’s vision and understanding of Ukraine, projections of national identity and the specifics of their translation into the writer’s artistic texts. It is noted that his literary works as spiritual and aesthetic organisms necessarily combine knowledge of geopolitics, internal attitudes and beliefs, the author’s will, translated within the chosen style of presentation. The priority for the writer is the initial foundations of artistic thinking, which depend on the success of the search for Ukraine and ukrainism. The material for their creation became details, pictures, facts that belonged to thewriter’s memory, the ideological meaning was determined by the thinking of the utopian politician, and the content — by the imagination of the patriot — exile. It is noted that in consideration of the European (in geographical terms) origin of Ukraine, its future, according to Ulas Samchuk, is certainly connected with Europe. It is important to awaken the national consciousness and human dignity of Ukrainians in order to obtain the freedom. The writer considers the Khutor as a form of preserving the national identity of Ukrainian people, the centre of the state world of Ukraine and the type of a person whose traits in the gradation of social values are decisive. Ulas Samchuk comprehends the role of a person of art in history, society, and notes that a humanistic personality with a certain lifestyle is the spiritual guide of the people. The vast majority of Ulas Samchuk’s political and ideological beliefs is represented in his prose works by appropriately organized means of artistic speech.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jolien Galle ◽  
Fenella Fleischmann

According to liberal nationalists, sharing a national identity offers a solution to the growing concern that increasing diversity within Western societies might erode solidarity. Based on the national identity framework, a positive relation between peoples’ support for redistribution and their national identification is expected. Partially confirmed among majority group members, the aim of this study is to broaden the perspective and investigate the redistributive attitudes of people with a migration background. Since the social identification of people with a migration background is more complex and tends to be based on belonging to both the nation of residence and a specific ethnic group, we additionally consider the role of ethnic identification. We perform multivariate analyses on data from the Belgian Ethnic Minorities Election Study 2014 (BEMES), a survey conducted among Belgians of Turkish and Moroccan descent. The results confirm our hypothesis about the positive role of national identification. Ethnic identification, on the contrary, is negatively related to support for redistribution and particularly the combination of a low attachment to the country of residence and strong attachment to the country of origin is associated with lower levels of support for redistribution.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002085232095427
Author(s):  
Lianlian Liu ◽  
Jessica Gammon

How to optimize China’s protective mechanism for overseas citizens has become the top agenda of China’s public administration. A comparison of the evacuation policies of China and the US in the 2010s reveals that the Chinese government’s operations attach more importance to the actual effects of evacuation and the feelings of citizens, while considering the responsibility of citizens and cost burden less. This generous evacuation policy can be partly rationalized by China’s domestic factors, such as the “Going Global” policy, its contemporary image as a populous rising power, and its traditional family-country narrative, which generates a familial conception of state–citizen relations and encourages the government to take extra responsibility for citizens. While the familial conception of state–citizen relations is conductive to building national identity and cohesion, it blurs the dividing line between civic responsibility and governmental responsibility, undercuts the efficiency of public administration, causes waste of public resources, and overburdens governmental agencies. As China’s industrialization and urbanization progress, how to revise the long-established familial conception of state–citizen relations and establish a responsible civil society based on contractual rule of law has become an urgent issue. Points for practitioners This study highlights the parental role of the Chinese government in the protection of overseas citizens and attributes it partly to the traditional family-country narrative, which generates a family conception of state–citizen relations. While this conception is conductive to building national identity and cohesion, it causes waste of public resources and overburdens governmental agencies. It is necessary to revise the long-established conception and cultivate a responsible civil society to improve the efficiency of public administration in contemporary China.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua James Zwisler

The connection between identity and language is hard to deny. In the production of national identities, language plays a key role in the homogenizing of the population by political will. Since the conquest of Colombia over 500 years ago, language has been a crucial tool in the construction of national identity and the concept of nation. This article, through archival research, critical reading, textual analysis, and grounded theory, examines the role of language from pre-colonial Colombia to modern day Colombia in the formation of national identity and character. It carefully and critically examines the roles and conflicts of Spanish and indigenous languages in colonial laws until modern education legislation, and the current rise of English in education law, and what this means in terms of national identity for Colombia.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-70
Author(s):  
Antoni Z. Kamiński

The article is devoted to a critical analysis of current controversies concerning the Polish national identity, and the interpretation of the impact of nobles’ democracy on the demise of the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth. It considers the role of national identity as a factor influencing civic culture and, therefore, determining its usefulness in assuring the proper functioning of the constitutional order. The analysis assumes that (1) the current global order is the product of the emergence of nation-states; (2) that a nation-state cannot exist without civil society grounded in the concept of national identity and patriotism. Patriotism is opposed here to nationalism; similarly, cosmopolitism is opposed to internationalism. Patriotism and cosmopolitism are compatible and imply an open-minded, inclusive attitude to different national identities. Both nationalism with its focus on superiority of one’s own nation, and internationalism — rejection of the nation-state in the name of an imaginary global, stateless community — are exclusive. These both exclusive postures present a threat to civil society.


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