scholarly journals modern state as mortal god.

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-233
Author(s):  
Theo De Wit

Prisoners are confined in the name of the state as the holder of the monopoly of coercion and violence. To delegitimize religion as a political factor, the modern European state has often been upgraded to a divine authority, endowed with sovereign, that is: unlimited power. For Hobbes, this state was an answer to the “state of nature”, a state of permanent threatening violence, where everyone has a “right to everything”. His sovereign state even has the right to punish and kill innocent citizens if he thinks it is necessary. However, as a citizen I do not have to obey when the sovereign wants my death. Both Hobbes and Hegel defend the state, inclusive its roguish behaviour. Is “rogue state” perhaps a tautology? Remarkable, also twentieth-century scholars like Schmitt and Kahn defend this state: in a dangerous world, we have to be prepared for the exceptional situation. Kafka points to the societal and psychological roots of our roguish behaviour – the gap between our self-caressing (collective) self-image and our treating of others, especially strangers and people in prison. It is very tempting and pleasant to get judgmental and to encourage the mortal god (the state) to judge people.

2021 ◽  
pp. 27-47
Author(s):  
Stephanie Lawson

This chapter discusses what is often regarded as the central institution, not only of domestic or national political order but also of current international or global order—the state. Alongside the state, we must also consider the idea of the nation and the ideology of nationalism—perhaps the most powerful political ideology to emerge in the modern world. There is, however, another form of international political order that has actually been far more common throughout history, and that is empire. With the rise of modernity from around the beginning of the seventeenth century, we also encounter the rise of the modern state and state system in Europe along with ideas about sovereignty, citizenship, the nation-state, and democracy. The chapter then looks at the effective globalization of the European state system through modern imperialism and colonialism and the extent to which these have been productive of contemporary global order.


Author(s):  
F. A. Gayada

The article examines the political views and practices of Russian liberals in the early twentieth century. Russia’s political destiny of this period directly depended on building constructive relations between the authorities and society. Liberal ideas had a significant impact on the educated public. At the same time, the constructive cooperation between the liberals and the government was the most important condition for the possibility of application of these ideas in domestic political practice. The article examines the political experience of the two largest liberal political parties in Russia – the Cadets and the Octobrists. The author comes to the conclusion that the Russian liberal politician of the early twentieth century could not get out of the role of an idealist oppositionist. He was incapable of recognizing the existing realities and the need for political compromises, which were often perceived as a sign of impotence or immorality. The liberals perceived themselves as the only force capable of bringing Russia to the right, «civilized» path. In the opinion of the liberals, this path was inevitable, therefore, under any circumstances, the liberal movement should have retained its leading role. In the spring of 1917, the liberal opposition was able to defeat its historical enemy (autocracy), but retained power for a very short time. The slaughter of the state machine, which the liberals themselves did not intend to preserve, led them to defeat. Thus, the state was the only guarantor of the existence of a liberal movement in Russia. 


2021 ◽  
pp. 45-52
Author(s):  
V. V. Borodin ◽  
F. P. Furman ◽  
T. G. Furman

The article considers the problematic of the issue of the expediency of recognizing the ideological function in the general system of functions of the modern state, with the justification of its social and social necessity and legal role. The objectivity and importance of rethinking the state-centrist approach to understanding the ideological function and perception of the state-centric paradigm, based on the recognition of a person as the highest social value, was separately emphasized. The most complete, comprehensive knowledge of state and legal phenomena and processes at any historical stage of the existence of human society, of course, requires careful research and deep understanding of the main functions of the state. It is the functions of the state that make it possible to identify the essence of state influence on social relations, its qualitative characteristics, and also to determine the main directions and prospects for development. These processes are also facilitated by the transition from a state-centrist ideology to a person-centered one, according to which the state must “serve” the interests of citizens (that is, act for the “good of man”).


Author(s):  
Yinka Olomojobi

Abstract There has been recent agitation for self-determination in the south-east of Nigeria for the state known as Biafra (a pro-secessionist group). The principle of self-determination is a well-debated discourse since it connects with the right to secede and create a sovereign state. Like a marriage at gunpoint, a reluctant partner will always want a way out of the marriage, and will take a hike at the first opportunity. Given this political inheritance, Nigeria has fallen prey to several attempts to undermine state sovereignty originating in ethnic and regional differences. The controversy has concerned both the principle’s status in international law and its charter. This principle has played a prominent part in the emergence of former colonies as independent states. The aim of this article is to explore the ongoing agitation for a Biafran Republic and to assess whether it is in conformity with the right to self-determination.


2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 438-453
Author(s):  
Chaim Shinar

At least as far back as the reign of Tsar Nicholas I, Russia's state bureaucracy has been widely considered to be top-heavy, corrupt, inefficient and tyrannical. By the early twentieth century the real driving force of Russian history and society was neither the constitutional façade erected by the autocracy to stifle the revolution nor the subsequent Bolshevik seizure of power, but rather the growth of the state bureaucracy. Similarly, in the course of the twentieth century, analysts on both the left and the right came to view hyper-bureaucratic growth unchecked by democratic constraint as the major problem of Soviet society. Attempts to reduce bureaucratic interference in the economy of post-Soviet Russia have not resulted in positive change.


2020 ◽  
pp. 157-179
Author(s):  
Michał Kmieć

The purpose of the article is to embed the twentieth-century teaching of the Church's Magisterium on the right to religious freedom in the Church's Tradition, showing clear evidence for the continuity of this teaching. Religious freedom is not a law that existed in the teaching of the Church fifty years ago, but one of its traditional elements, which may not have been strongly realized for centuries. It is, however, one of the elements of science about the relationship between the Church and the state that does not contradict any other elements.


2021 ◽  
pp. 54-72
Author(s):  
S. D. Chrostowska

This chapter focuses on a figure of historical progression embedded in revolutionary thought in the modern era: the spiral. Most associated with Hegelianism, the spiral stands for the dialectic of history: an eventual future return to the origin. The spiral’s secularized telic schema remains, however, continuous with the theological model of change as the circle of perfection. This continuity is reflected in Romantic messianism and its heirs. My discussion of the spiral is anchored well before their time, in “The Oldest Systematic Program of German Idealism,” likely authored in 1796/1797 by Hegel himself. Unpublished until the twentieth century, the text calls for a new, rational mythology to do away with the modern state. In contrast to the later Hegel’s attempt to identify the spiral of history with the development of the state-form, the political theology of this radical early document identifies its utopian telos with the overcoming of the state.


Author(s):  
Khudoiar Lesia

Introduction. The features of the concepts of equality enshrined in the provisions of the programming documents of the Internationals in the perspective of the genesis of the concept of human rights are highlighted. The aim of the article. The content and peculiarities of conceptions of the principle of equality in the programming documents of the Communist, Socialist and Liberal Internationals are investigated and compared in order to determine the influence of the hierarchy of moral and legal values of a particular political community on the evolution of the concept and content of the principle of equality in European society in a certain period of time. Results. The program of the Communist International, adopted at the 45th meeting of the 6th Congress of the Communist International on September 1, 1928, clearly articulates the idea of ​​equality between men and women, as well as the equality of all fighters for a socialist lifestyle, regardless of national, cultural, linguistic or racial differences , gender, or profession. On the other hand, this concept of equality applies only to the class of the proletariat, which fights for "a world-wide proletarian dictatorship and world communism." That is, the authors of the program advocated a class approach to understanding the principle of equality, whose effect was not to extend to other classes and strata of society except the proletariat. The concept of legal equality declared in the Comintern documents has the character of equality of results - a concept whose meaning is that society and the state must guarantee equality of people through the redistribution of wealth and status in order to achieve economic and social equality. Equality in this concept is the first and greatest value compared to freedom and justice. This kind of equality is called egalitarianism and is possible only if free competition, which underlies equality of opportunity, is restricted. The Socialist Declaration of Principles adopted in Stockholm in 1989 proclaimed freedom, justice, equality and solidarity as the basic principles of the Social Democrats. In particular, it was emphasized that the Social Democrats attach equal importance to these fundamental principles and understand their interdependence. Contrary to this view, liberals and conservatives favor individual liberty at the expense of justice and solidarity, while the Communists claim to have achieved equality and solidarity, but at the expense of freedom. The Manifesto of the Liberal International declared the concept of equality of opportunity, according to which each individual should be guaranteed equal chances to succeed in life, and focused primarily on the principle of freedom in accordance with the classical principles of liberalism. In particular, the following liberal principles were proclaimed: independence of thought; respect for the human personality and the family as the foundation of society; the state is only a tool of the community; it must not assume a power which is contrary to the fundamental rights of citizens and to the conditions necessary for a responsible and creative life, namely: personal freedom, guaranteed by the independence of the administration of law and justice; freedom of religion and freedom of conscience; freedom of speech and the press; freedom to associate or not to associate; free choice of classes; the possibility of full and varied training, according to ability and regardless of birth or means; the right to private property and the right to start a separate enterprise; free choice of consumers and the opportunity to take full advantage of the productivity of the soil and the human industry; protection against disease, unemployment, disability and old age; equality between men and women. These rights and conditions can only be guaranteed by true democracy. Сonclusions. Defining in the conception of the equality principle of the Communist, Socialist and Liberal Internationals of the twentieth century there is a balance between equality and freedom. In particular, the limits of freedom and, accordingly, the content of the concept of equality are largely determined by the hierarchy of moral and legal values ​​of a particular political community over a period of time. It is also important to emphasize that the genesis of the concepts of the principle of equality in the programming documents of three influential international political organizations of the twentieth century was conditioned by a complex and contradictory process of becoming European democracy. The triumph of the social-democratic and liberal concept of equality and its consolidation in the constitutions of most European countries in the second half of the twentieth century contributed to the deep disappointment of the general public of the European community with the totalitarian and authoritarian forms of government and the socio-economic progress of states with democratic forms of government.


2006 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 210-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gail L. Savage

Abstract The office of H M Proctor, a curious aspect of English divorce procedure, investigated divorce cases based on collusion between the spouses and divorce cases brought by spouses whose own misconduct disqualified them from the right to divorce. On the basis of evidence provided by the proctor's intervention into divorce suits, the divorce court had the power to rescind divorce decrees improperly obtained. This essay describes the origins of this legal institution and delineates its impact on divorce during the Victorian period. The analysis considers the growing criticism of the proctor's powers during the first four decades of the twentieth century. English divorce law was originally intended to buttress both the power of the husband within the marital relationship and the power of the state over the family. The changing view of the proctor over seventy-five years reveals the tensions inherent in Victorian gender ideology and reflects changing attitudes towards the nature of marriage.


1923 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 584-596 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen Deborah Ellis

It is impossible accurately to determine whether the more potent line of causation of the recent attack on the orthodox theory of the state is to be found in the field of the developing science of jurisprudence, or in that of practical experience, economic, religious, social, and political, inasmuch as both of these factors are so largely involved. There is reason to think, however, that the more important cause lies in the latter field. The conditions of modern life are changing so rapidly and are becoming daily so much more complex that to many the existing political organization no longer adequately expresses or reflects the social organization behind it. These individuals and groups have in consequence become so discontented with the present system that they have not been satisfied with suggesting new governmental forms and machinery, but failing in their enthusiasm to distinguish state from government, have undertaken in many cases to overthrow the very citadel of the state itself. Nor has the movement halted even at this point, for in this attempt not only has the attack been launched against the nature of the state and of sovereignty, through the calling into question of its two fundamental attributes, unity and absolutism, but the charge has been carried over into the realm of right as well, in the challenging of the right and the justification of the absolute sovereign state.


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