scholarly journals Konsistensi Nahdlatul Ulama’ dalam Mempertahankan Pancasila dan Kedaulatan Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia di tengah Wacana Negara Islam

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Amin Farih

<p class="ABSTRAKen">Since its establishment, NU has always prioritized the interests of the nation and state based on Islamic shari'a and Islamic values, Indonesianism and has a high spirit of nationalism. By using qualitative research and historical methods, this article comprehensively describes how NU, as one of the largest CSOs in Indonesia has its own way of placing roles and realizing its contribution in upholding the concept of Pancasila and maintaining the sovereignty of Indonesia in the frame of the Unitary State. Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). The results of this study explain that NU refused to firmly reject the idea of khilafah and the concept of an Islamic State in Indonesia, this attitude has been shown by NU by rejecting the presence of the Indonesian Islamic State (NII) founded by Kartosuwiryo. This attitude of rejection of the concept of khilafah was also indicated by the attitude of NU's (Nahdlatul Ulama’) recognition that decided the position of the Head of State of the Republic of Indonesia (Ir. Sukarno) as <em>wāliy al-amri al-ḍarūri bi al-shawkah</em> or de facto with full power in the NU Ulema Alim National Conference in Cipanas in 1954 and the 20th NU Congress Decision in Surabaya, 8-13 September 1954. The consistency of the attitude pointed out by NU continued in the New Order and until the reform era, now to keep rejecting the khilafah system.</p>

PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosmala Dewi

Since the reform era marked by the end of the New Order, many changes in the system of government of the Republic of Indonesia. During the New Order government system presented in ways that centralized power leads to a powerful president as both head of state and the head of government. Failure of efforts to reorganize the bureaucracy have broad impact on the fate of the people, this is of course an impact on the process of democratization. The fate of the people worse off because of the quality of legal services that are not optimal and non-functioning of legal services will tend to distort the process towards justice and welfare. If want to make improvements and eliminate the bad impression the government, the bureaucracy reform effort is urgent given the vast implications for society. For reform the bureaucracy, such as the need to consider internal measures, align the orientation of the oriented democracy and not on power, bureaucrats determined to strengthen the commitment to change towards the better, to build a new culture because all this bureaucracy has a bad image, rationalization of the bureaucracy towards streamlining efficiency, strengthen the rule of law which is based on a clear and improve the quality of human resources.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 315-337
Author(s):  
Mohammad Rofiqul A’la ◽  
Rosihon Anwar ◽  
Nurwadjah Ahmad ◽  
Dody S. Truna

Abstract: This study discusses the history of fatwas on Muslim-Non-Muslim relations issued by the Bahthul Masa'il Institute (LBM) of Nahdlatul Ulama from 1926 to 2019. This research is a type of qualitative research focused on studying LBM written materials. The perspective used is the Study of Religion with a theoretical analysis from Joachim Wach regarding the forms of expression of religious experience, especially in the sociological form. This study finds that, historically, NU issued fatwas by considering such sociological aspects that taghayyur (law change) method is used in law enforcement. By adhering to this principle, NU has formulated fatwas to maintain Muslim-non-Muslim relations under the umbrella of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. In this regard, NU argues that non-Muslims in Indonesia cannot be categorized in terms of the infidel in the nation-state because non-Muslim citizens in the nation-state context are not second-class citizens as contained in the concept of infidel with various types. The implication is the increasing quality of inter-religious relations that are increasingly harmonious in a plural society.الملخص :تناقش هذه الدراسة تاريخ الفتاوى حول العلاقات بين المسلمين وغير المسلمين الصادرة عن معهد بهتول المسائل (LBM)  لتابع لنهضة العلماء من عام  1926 إلى عام  2019. هذا البحث هو نوع من البحث النوعي الذي يركز على دراسة المواد المكتوبة من قبل  LBM. المنظور المستخدم هو دراسة الدين مع تحليل نظري من Joachim Wachفيما يتعلق بأشكال التعبير عن التجربة الدينية ، وخاصة في الشكل الاجتماعي. توصلت هذه الدراسة إلى أنه تاريخياً ، أصدرت جامعة النيل فتاوى من خلال النظر في الجوانب الاجتماعية ، وبالتالي استخدام طريقة التغايور )تغيير القانون  (في إنفاذ القانون. بالالتزام بهذا المبدأ ، قامت NU بصياغة فتاوى للحفاظ على العلاقات بين المسلمين وغير المسلمين تحت مظلة الدولة الموحدة لجمهورية إندونيسيا. في هذا الصدد ، يجادل NU بأنه لا يمكن تصنيف غير المسلمين في إندونيسيا من حيث الكفار في الدولة القومية لأن المواطنين غير المسلمين في سياق الدولة القومية ليسوا مواطنين من الدرجة الثانية كما هو وارد في مفهوم الكفر. بأنواع مختلفة. المعنى الضمني هو الجودة المتزايدة للعلاقات بين الأديان التي تزداد انسجامًا في مجتمع تعددي.Abstrak: Penelitian ini membahas riwayat fatwa hubungan Muslim-Non-Muslim yang dikeluarkan oleh Lembaga Bahthul Masa'il (LBM) Nahdlatul Ulama dari tahun 1926 hingga 2019. Penelitian ini merupakan jenis penelitian kualitatif yang difokuskan untuk mengkaji bahan tertulis LBM. Perspektif yang digunakan adalah kajian agama dengan analisis teori dari Joachim Wach mengenai bentuk-bentuk ekspresi pengalaman beragama, terutama dalam bentuk sosiologis. Studi ini menemukan bahwa dalam sejarahnya, NU mengeluarkan fatwa dengan mempertimbangkan aspek sosiologis, sehingga memakai metode taghayyur (perubahan hukum) dalam penegakan hukum. Dengan berpegang pada prinsip ini, NU telah merumuskan fatwa-fatwa untuk menjaga hubungan Muslim-non-Muslim di bawah payung Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Dalam kaitan ini, NU berpendapat bahwa non-Muslim di Indonesia tidak dapat dikategorikan dalam istilah kafir dalam negara-bangsa karena warga negara non-Muslim dalam konteks negara-bangsa bukanlah warga kelas dua sebagaimana termuat dalam konsep kafir dengan berbagai jenisnya. Implikasinya adalah meningkatnya kualitas hubungan antar umat beragama yang semakin harmonis di masyarakat plural.


Author(s):  
Yon Machmudi

Abstract The Islamic State groups under the New Order in Indonesia were represented by various groups and factions, but they originated from the single movement called Darul Islam (DI) led by Kartosuwiryo in West Java. In 1949, Kartosuwiryo – the imam of Darul Islam – declared the establishment of the Indonesia Islamic State in the village of the Cisampah district of Tasikmalaya, West Java with the sole purpose of rejecting the policy of the Republic of Indonesia to withdraw their troops from West Java. DI itself operated in West Java and expanded its influences in South Sulawesi and Aceh. Even though the Darul Islam rebellion was already crushed totally by the state, many movements linked to DI are still apparent and have operated clandestinely. The groups currently associated with Darul Islam have been suspected of their involvements in terrorist activities in Indonesia. Even people who have joined the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) still have a connection with the Darul Islam’s past rebellion. This article tries to analyze the main factors that caused the re-emergence of Indonesian Islamic State group called Negara Islam Indonesia (NII) and how NII becomes the main entry toward terroristic activities.


2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 108
Author(s):  
Muhammad Abdul Azis

<p><em>Freedom of association, assembly and expression is a part of human rights guaranteed by the 1945 Constitution of the State of the Republic of Indonesia. This freedom also includes the propagation of religious teachings as an ideology for transformation to real life. For Muslims, especially da'i certainly have great ideals for the realization of a prosperous fair society that is directed by Allah SWT. It can be fought, one of which can be through social organization.During the 72 years of independent Indonesia, several regulations issued by the government to regulate the system and mechanisms of mass organizations have added controversy to Islamic mass organizations. In the new order, some organizations threatened to be dissolved and not recognized for rejecting the sole principle of Pancasila. The dynamic continues until the reform era. This can be an afterthought for the da'wah perpetrators, especially those who take the path of the organization to pay more attention to the basic aspects of administrative formation with respect to the state / government, because it will subsequently be very influential on the sustainability of da'wah in the future.</em></p>


Conciencia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-63
Author(s):  
Deri Wanto

Every era certainly has a separate challenge. In the development of the Indonesian nation from the old order to the new order era and era to the reform era that seemed to give a very clear feel and color for this nation, especially in the field of education. What has happened? Precisely education in Indonesia to get a new problem, namely the birth of "intersection" policies and "paths of problems" that run until now. Education which is a symbol of the glory and development of the nation-children that must marginalize even more Islamic Education which is part of the institutions under the auspices of the ministry of religion and remain separated in the memories of the ministries of education and culture. This paper is a form of qualitative research library with a sociological approach that sees the history and development of Islamic education at Islamic Religious Higher Education in Indonesia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Fajar Syarif

The debate over the relationship between religion and the state reappeared when the New Order regime was at its peak of power, the 1980s. This has a fundamental need to strengthen the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) and establish Pancasila as the only state ideology and the only principle for religious and social organizations. This need certainly created an extraordinary paradigmatic controversy among all components of the nation, especially Muslims: between following the political will of the New Order or remaining a supporter of the establishment of an "Islamic state", not a Pancasila state. This is a big dilemma for the Indonesian people which in reality consists of thousands of islands, hundreds of ethnicities and languages, and dozens of religions, while the majority of the population is Muslim where the idea of establishing an 'Islamic state' has not vanished from the ideals of a number of Islamic organizations or groups.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-252
Author(s):  
Lilis Sarifatul Ajariyah ◽  
Agus Sriyanto

In August 2015, there are two major Islamic organizations in Indonesia, NU and Muhammadiyah held a consultative forum which is the highest in the conference organization. 33 NU congress held in Jombang, East Java began 1 to 5 August 2015. As at August 3 to 7 held 47 Muhammadiyah congress in Makassar, South Sulawesi. One of the print media that provide accounts is Kompas. Interestingly, Kompas has a history as the founder of the mass media-founders are Catholic figures. As P. K. Ojong, Oetama, R. G. Doeriat, Frans Xaverius Seda, Polycarp Swantoro, R. Soekarsono, there are also representatives of the Supreme Council of hierarchical elements of the Indonesian Bishops (Mawi), Catholic party Union of Catholic University Students of the Republic of Indonesia (PMKRI). Kompas discourse about NU and Muhammadiyah that are the focus of research. How the two types of the news media is manufactured into a text. Because the media really is in the middle of a social reality that is loaded with a variety of interests, but has been linked with the social reality. As Aart Van Zoest once said, that a text has never been separated from ideology and have the ability to manipulate the reader toward an ideology. In the text of the media, reporters, also the editor, full power over the choice of words to beworn. He may or must select one word in between the rows of words that are quite similar yet different “flavors” of his. This research is a library (library research) with a focus on the study of print media ie newspapers Kompas, while the object to be studied is the preaching of NU and Muhammadiyah 33rd to 47th. In conducting the study, researchers used a discourse analysis approach Norman Fairclough. Fairclough focused discourse on language. Therefore, this analysis will focus on how it is formed and shaped the language of social relationships and social context. From this analysis, there are three points which were highlighted by researchers that democracy, state, and religious. Based on these three points, then the compass  which in this case represented by the reporter had identified himself as part of the Muhammadiyah. In doing news about Muhammadiyah Congress, journalists tend to bring out the themes of good and using the words positive connotation. While in Congress proclaim the Nahdlatul Ulama, there was some news that gave rise to unfavorable theme of the NU and use words negative connotation.


Author(s):  
Lailatul Maulida

This paper aims to discuss and analyze political satire in Eka Kurniawan's short story titled Corat-coret di Toilet. By applying descriptive qualitative research as well as stylistics approach, researcher then reading the whole text of the short story, analyzing the political satire, and taking notes the sentence related to political satire inside. Found that there are nine sentences of satire in the short story that refer to political satire that was written by some students on the campus toilet's walls against the situation of the government in the year of 1990s where the freedom of conveying aspirations is tightly limited. The ubiquity of political satire in this short story builds critical thinking on the readers and also stimulates them intensely to be able to interpretatively understand what is meant by the political satire, the relation of those political satires with the political and social condition in Indonesia, specifically in the end of New Order and the beginning of reform era. Finally, the political satire in Corat-coret di Toilet reflects legal and social injustice in Indonesia. Nevertheless, Kurniawan's work able to persuade the readers with a sense of humor, sadness, anger and the truth of the Indonesian situation, to understand and care more about social and government phenomena in their own country.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 407-424
Author(s):  
Jamaluddin Jamaluddin

Indonesian reformation era begins with the fall of President Suharto. Political transition and democratic transition impact in the religious life. Therefore, understandably, when the politic transition is not yet fully reflects the idealized conditions. In addition to the old paradigm that is still attached to the brain of policy makers, various policies to mirror the complexity of stuttering ruler to answer the challenges of religious life. This challenge cannot be separated from the hegemonic legacy of the past, including the politicization of SARA. Hegemony that took place during the New Order period, adversely affected the subsequent transition period. It seems among other things, with airings various conflicts nuances SARA previously muted, forced repressive. SARA issues arise as a result of the narrowing of the accommodation space of the nation state during the New Order regime. The New Order regime has reduced the definition of nation-states is only part of a group of people loyal to the government to deny the diversity of socio-cultural reality in it. To handle the inheritance, every regime in the reform era responds with a pattern and a different approach. It must be realized, that the post-reform era, Indonesia has had four changes of government. The leaders of every regime in the reform era have a different background and thus also have a vision that is different in treating the problem of racial intolerance, particularly against religious aspect. This treatment causes the accomplishment difference each different regimes of dealing with the diversity of race, religion and class that has become the hallmark of Indonesian society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-27
Author(s):  
Abdulloh Fuadi

This paper discusses the discourse about the complexity of ethnic and religious identity monism in Mataram Lombok West Nusa Tenggara; Sasak ethnic is Islam, while Balinese ethnic is Hindu. The question is then does religious conversion also include ethnic conversion? Methodologically, this paper is library research. Several notes related to this discourse are as follows: (1) Increasing conflict escalation occurs during the Reformation era. Identity politics emerge and strengthen. In several conflicts at Mataram, the ethnic and religious identity is thickening. (2) There is a complexity between democracy and diversity. Democracy demands unity, while multiculturalism emphasizes particularity. Balancing them is easy in theory but difficult in practice. (3) It must be distinguished between politics and politicization. In the case of Indonesia, ethnic and religious issues are often politicized by some people to achieve their own group goals. (4) Relying on ethnicity is a natural instinct in self-defense and affirming identity. This is not necessary to be troubled and blamed. (5) These problems are like a Pandora's box, a box full of diseases. It was the reform era that opened the box which had been closed or covered by the New Order. What happened in the Reformation Era is the emergence of various ethnic and religious problems which were not recognized during the New Order era.


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