scholarly journals APOLLO IN AN AIRPLANE. MODERNIZATION OF ANTIQUITY IN RUSSIAN NIETZSCHEISM

Author(s):  
Олег Анатольевич Матвейчев

В статье рассматриваются особенности рецепции и бытования в среде российской интеллигенции эпохи Серебряного века знаменитой ницшевской антитезы «аполлоническое и дионисийское». Оценивается роль концепции Ницше в возрождении в России интереса к самой Античности. Отмечается, что, в отличие от Запада, рассматривавшего тезис о противоположении аполлонического и дионисийского начал в культуре, прежде всего, как метафоры, в России он был воспринят как реальное положение дел в греческой культуре или даже как некое мистическое откровение. Автор демонстрирует модернизационный характер концепции Ницше и ее изводов в русском ницшеанстве, где чрезвычайно популярной становится идея возрождения античных идеалов, анализирует политические проекции этой идеи в творчестве представителей различных направлений общественной мысли. The article examines the peculiarities of perception and existence among the Russian intelligentsia of the Silver Age of the famous Nietzschean antithesis «Apollonian and Dionysian». The role of Nietzsche's concept in the revival of Russian interest in antiquity is evaluated. It is noted that, unlike in the West, where thesis of the opposition of Apollonian and Dionysian principles in culture as was considered primarily a metaphor, in Russia it was perceived as a real state of affairs in Greek culture or even as a kind of mystical revelation. The author demonstrates the modernizing nature of Nietzsche's concept and its derivations in Russian Nietzscheism, when the idea of the revival of ancient ideals becomes extremely popular. He also analyzes the political projections of this idea in the works of representatives of various directions of social thought.

10.33287/1195 ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 49-57
Author(s):  
Ю. І. Коломоєць

Russian political emigration from the beginning of its birth in the first half of the nineteenth century was constantly in search of forms and methods of struggle with royal power in the homeland. Detachment from Russia, the feeling of isolation that was inherent in emigration to the early twentieth century, were an important factor in the ongoing conflicts that took place in its environment. We note the conflicts between the «old» and the «young» emigration in the late 1860’s, between the Marxists and the populists of the 1880’s, between the revolutionary Marxists and the «economists» at the end of the 1890’s. All of these, as a rule, were due to excessive the ambitions of some leaders, the attempt to become the «rulers of ideas» for revolutionary youth, due to significant financial problems. In the list of these and similar conflicts there are events of 1870, when in the environment of political emigration there are two serious confrontations between the leader of anarchists M. Bakunin on the one hand and S. Nechaev or «Russian section of the First International» - on the other. These conflicts significantly influenced the situation in emigration, disorganized it, weakened the ability to fight the tsarist regime. They were accompanied by sharp accusations, searches for compromising materials, attempts to get support from leaders of the world revolutionary movement. The ambitions of young revolutionaries such as S. Nechaev or M. Utin were also connected with the attempt to take the main place among the emigrants, moving to the background of former leaders M. Bakunin, M. Ogarev, P. Lavrov. All this led to split in emigrant colonies, which consisted mainly of student youth. Violent discussions, accusations, boycotts became a hallmark of emigrant life. Basically, all these events took place in Switzerland, which at that time already became the center of not only Russian, but also international political emigration. Conflicts were directed at the political annihilation of the opponents, which subsequently resulted in the arrest and extradition to the Russian government of S. Nechaev in 1872, the cessation of the activities of the Russian Section of the First International and the return of M. Utin to Russia and the cessation of revolutionary activity in general. The positive side of these conflicts was the rallying of emigrants around their leaders, better information on the state of affairs in their environment, the development of new forms and methods of interaction and the strengthening of the role of revolutionaries from Russia itself.


2018 ◽  
Vol 222 (1) ◽  
pp. 253-268
Author(s):  
Dr. Mohamed Abdullah Kaka Sur

Occupation of Britain has had a significant impact on the history of Iraq. Even after the establishment of the Iraqi state in 1921 and the effects of this occupation existed. On this basis, one of the historians used the term Iraq - British royal rule in the period. So, important to know what are the historical factors which led to Britain occupy Iraq, beyond the historical trend of the state and the fundamental changes which led to the establishment of the Iraqi state. In this study, entitled (the historical reasons for the occupation of Iraq, Britain to study the political development between the years 1917 to 1920). Which ensures the number of vertical axes, the first axis looking for strategic importance of Iraq and the situation in Iraq under the leadership of the Ottoman Empire. The second axis tells Britain's occupation of Iraq, the third axis either looking for agreements made between Iraq and Britain the first, second and third.The fourth axis looking for challenging the Iraqis against the British occupation and private revolted in 1920, including the role of the Kurds in this revolution. In fact, with the reasons for strategic and economic, historical factors have had an important role in the occupation of Iraq with the causes and factors which mentioned were overlapping, Baghdad was the capital of Iraq through the stories of One Thousand and One Nights was written in the West and known Babylon was one of the oldest cities, which have been mentioned in Holy book by the West, so intertwined historical importance Wares in the cause of Britain's occupation of Iraq


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-32
Author(s):  
Airton Roberto Guelfi

This article aimed to highlight the social, political and administrative factors that underpinned the recent unconstitutional state of affairs decision on environmental matters in Brazil, issued by Minister Luís Roberto Barroso at ADO60/DF. The research was bibliographic and documentary and its approach was of a qualitative nature. The results remained evident in the social field throughthe various manifestations of hostilities of the Federal Government against individuals and legal entities engaged in the defense of the environment, in the political field through the decision to extinguish and relocate various bodies linked to the defense of natural resources and in the field administrative through the dismissal of several public agents occupying positions highlighted in the theme on the protection of the environment. In conclusion, it remains evident that Brazil is in a real state of affairs unconstitutional in environmental matters, with massive actions and omissions responsible for the unsustainable exploitation of environmental resources, resulting in the necessary performance of the Supreme Court as a Constitutional Court responsiblefor pointing out the actions and the respective inspection of their achievements.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2(163) ◽  
pp. 131-151
Author(s):  
Mieczysław Ryba

The subject of this article is the parliamentary discussion of 1938 concerning the religious dispute in the south-eastern borderlands of the Second Polish Republic. The disputes concerned, among other things, the political role of the Greek Catholic Church, which was strongly involved in the Ukrainian national movement. In 1938 a revindication action took place in the Chełm region, as a result of which the Polish authorities liquidated over one hundred Orthodox churches. These actions were the subject of a stormy debate in the Parliament between Polish and Ukrainian MPs. The arguments of the Polish side concerned, above all, the protection of the security of the Polish state threatened by intervention from both the East (USSR) and the West (Germany).


2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 481-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrei V. Korobkov ◽  
Zhanna A. Zaionchkovskaia

Following a short-term burst of migration activity after the dissolution of the USSR, the current situation is marked by the unusually low population territorial mobility, defined by both the political and, increasingly, the socioeconomic factors. While this trend indicates some degree of minority accommodation, it also demonstrates the depth of economic crisis and increasing socioeconomic differentiation. Visible also is the disproportionate influence exercised by Russia on the formation of migration flows in the region. Remaining the major recipient of migrants, Russia increasingly plays a role of supplier of labor migrants to the West, and acts as a ‘‘bridge’’ for those attempting to reach Western Europe. Meanwhile, Russia still lacks an effective legislative base, institutional mechanisms, and political will for dealing with the new migration flows.


2017 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 947-968 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Moe Fejerskov

Science and technology have been integral issues of development cooperation for more than sixty years. Contrary to early efforts’ transfer of established technologies from the West to developing countries, contemporary technology aspirations increasingly articulate and practice the Global South as a live laboratory for technological experimentation. This approach is especially furthered by a group of private foundations and philanthrocapitalists whose endeavors in developing countries are, like their companies, shaped by logics of the individual, the market, and of societal progress through technological innovation and experimentation. This article draws upon critical intellectual thought about the political and social ramifications of technology to reflect on the renascent role of technology in development cooperation. It traces the discourses and practices of philanthrocapitalist organizations, in particular the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, to understand how their experimentalist technology aspirations influence human life and relations in the Global South. This article argues that this newfound focus on technology in development cooperation may challenge the essence of democracy, reduce participation, and have undesirable consequences for populations in the Global South.


2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 227-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dibyesh Anand

The protests in and around Tibet in 2008 show that Tibet's status within China remains unsettled. The West is not an outsider to the Tibet question, which is defined primarily in terms of the debate over the status of Tibet vis-à-vis China. Tibet's modern geopolitical identity has been scripted by British imperialism. The changing dynamics of British imperial interests in India affected the emergence of Tibet as a (non)modern geopolitical entity. The most significant aspect of the British imperialist policy practiced in the first half of the twentieth century was the formula of “Chinese suzerainty/Tibetan autonomy.” This strategic hypocrisy, while nurturing an ambiguity in Tibet's status, culminated in the victory of a Western idea of sovereignty. It was China, not Tibet, that found the sovereignty talk most useful. The paper emphasizes the world-constructing role of contesting representations and challenges the divide between the political and the cultural, the imperial and the imaginative.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-109
Author(s):  
Michael Bothe

After dealing with the West German Bundersrat in a double-chamber system, the author, following the Basic Law of the country, depicts the varied powers of this Chamber. The participation of the Bundersrat in federal legislation is examined through its suspensive veto over every bill adopted by the first chamber — the Bundestag. The Bundersrat also has the power to approve certain categories of Bills. The participation of the Bundersrat in the federal administration, contentious powers and the nomination process are ideas also developed in this article. The author examines the political role of the Chamber and shows that the Bundersrat has a counterbalancing effect between the Bundestag and the federal government. The importance of the roles of the parties in developing the political position of the Bundersrat is also discursed herein. Professor Bothe concludes by saying that the Bundersrat is an important element of West German cooperative federalism and wonders if exporting this institution to Canada would be a wise move.


2021 ◽  
Vol 02 (06) ◽  
pp. 130-138
Author(s):  
A. V. Sharavin ◽  

The article compares the memoirs of dissidents and the prose of V. Aksenov and S. Dovlatov (books "In Search of a Sad Baby", "Craft", "Suitcase"). There is a difference in approaches to the creation of texts. In the memoirs of dissidents, the political and ideological aspects of emigration are reproduced, the stages of departure are described in detail. In the prose of the writers of the third wave, the image of the artist of the word, an exile, forcibly separated from his homeland, is comprehended. V. Aksenov and S. Dovlatov follow the tradition that has developed in literature - images of the power / poet opposition. Writers, like immigrants who are not professional writers, do not strive to document all the nuances of going to the West, their goal is to go beyond comprehending only the socio-political aspects of going abroad. Writers solve aesthetic problems, political realities for them are only a reflection of the entourage of external circumstances. Thus, V. Aksenov establishes successive ties between the creators of the "Silver Age" and the artists of the third wave of words. For the autobiographical hero S. Dovlatov, expulsion from the USSR and "relocation" to the United States is an opportunity to realize himself as a person freed from the ideological component, to comprehend the "particularity" of his existence.


1936 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 595-604
Author(s):  
Joseph de Somogyi

Scarcely ever has Islām experienced more tragical times and more hardships than during the Mongol invasion in the course of the thirteenth century a.d. With the despite of the nomads, practitioners of the open-air life, for sedentary occupations, the people of Jengis Khān turned against and mercilessly destroyed the towns and works of civilization everywhere. Their disastrous campaign was only facilitated by the decomposition of the political unity of Islām at that time. In Baghdād the 'Abbāsid caliphate still subsisted, but its splendour was on the wane; to the west of Baghdād, in Egypt, Palestine, and a part of Syria, the Ayyūbids reigned, and in Asia Minor the Seljūqs, while to the east of Baghdād the Turkish princes from Khiva had, a rather insecure hold on the vast stretch of the Khwārizmian empire from the Ganges to the Tigris and from Turkestān to the Indian Ocean. This state of affairs was inviting to an enterprising invader of the sort of Jengis Khān who, in 1218, crushed the Khwārizmian empire, while his grandson, Hūlāghū Khān, put an end to the 'Abbāsid caliphate in 1258. The western provinces of Islām, including Egypt, were, however, spared from the devastating fury of the Mongols by the Mamlūk Sulṭān's victory over Ketbogha, Hūlāghū's general, at 'Ayn Jālūt, Palestine, in 1260. When in 1299–1301 his grandson Qāzān failed in conquering Syria Islām was definitely safe from further Mongol attacks.


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