Report Of The Food And Agriculture Commission (Review Article)

1962 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-105
Author(s):  
A. F. A. Hussain

The Report of the Food and Agriculture Commission1 is the most comprehensive official study of the problems of food and agriculture undertaken in Pakistan since independence. The Report contains twelve chapters of which six are devoted to policy recommendations. The Report also contains seven appendices of which Appendix IV is the Interim Report of the Commission which was submitted to the Government in February 1960. The methods followed by the Commission in its enquiry are similar to those followed by agricultural commissions in the past. Questionnaires were circulated to government agencies, officials and members of the public likely to possess specialized knowledge in the field of food and agriculture. Also, fairly extensive tours were undertaken by members of the Commission all over the country to gain first-hand knowledge of the problems of agriculture; they visited agricultural colleges, research institutes, experimental stations, and seed and livestock farms, holding discussions with government officials and others on a wide range of topics. An interesting feature of the enquiry was the setting-up of seventeen advisory panels on particular topics composed almost entirely of officials having specialized knowledge or interest in the field in question. A few non-officials were also included in the panels but their number was very few. Unfortunately, the reports of the panels, which were presumably responsible for much of the technical work on which the Commission drew for their elucidation of the problems in hand as well as for policy recommendations, are not made available in the report.


Author(s):  
Nathan Lee ◽  
Brendan Nyhan ◽  
Jason Reifler ◽  
D. J. Flynn

Abstract Studies of the American public demonstrate that partisans often diverge not only on questions of opinion but also on matters of fact. However, little is known about partisan divergence in factual beliefs among the government officials who make real policy decisions, or how it compares to belief polarization among the public. This letter describes the first systematic comparison of factual belief polarization between the public and government officials, which we conducted using a paired survey approach. The results indicate that political elites are consistently more accurately informed than the public across a wide range of politically contentious facts. However, this increase in accuracy does not translate into reduced factual belief polarization. These findings demonstrate that a more informed political elite does not necessarily mitigate partisan factual disagreement in policy making.



Author(s):  
Ramnik Kaur

E-governance is a paradigm shift over the traditional approaches in Public Administration which means rendering of government services and information to the public by using electronic means. In the past decades, service quality and responsiveness of the government towards the citizens were least important but with the approach of E-Government the government activities are now well dealt. This paper withdraws experiences from various studies from different countries and projects facing similar challenges which need to be consigned for the successful implementation of e-governance projects. Developing countries like India face poverty and illiteracy as a major obstacle in any form of development which makes it difficult for its government to provide e-services to its people conveniently and fast. It also suggests few suggestions to cope up with the challenges faced while implementing e-projects in India.



MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 



2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-204
Author(s):  
Boga Thura Manatsha

There are rising public concerns about the acquisition of prime land by non-citizens/foreigners in Botswana, especially in the sprawling urban and peri-urban areas. Indians, Nigerians and Chinese, among others, are allegedly involved in such land transactions. There is a salient local resentment towards them and/or such transactions. Sensational media reports, emotive public statements by politicians, chiefs and government officials, and anger from ordinary citizens dominate the discourse. These emotive public debates about this issue warrant some academic comment. This article argues that the acquisition of land by foreigners in Botswana, in each land category—tribal, state and freehold—is legally allowed by the relevant laws. But this does not mean that citizens have no right to raise concerns and/or show their disapproval of some of these legal provisions. Aware of the public outcry, the government has since passed the Land Policy in 2015, revised in 2019, and amended the Tribal Land Act in 2018, not yet operational, to try and strictly regulate the acquisition of land by non-citizens. There is no readily available statistical data, indicating the ownership of land by foreigners in each land category. This issue is multifaceted and needs to be cautiously handled, lest it breeds xenophobia or the anti-foreigner sentiments.



1985 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hudson

The past decade has seen the growth of a considerable literature on the link between government popularity, as reflected by the proportion of the public indicating their intention to vote for the government in opinion polls, and the state of the economy, as represented by certain key variables. The work began in the early 1970s with articles by Goodhart and Bhansali, Mueller, and Kramer. It continued through the decade; some of the more recent contributions can be found in a set of readings edited by Hibbs and Fassbender. However, despite the amount and quality of this work, problems remain. Principal amongst these, as Chrystal and Alt have pointed out, is the inability to estimate a relationship which exhibits any degree of stability either over time or between researchers. Nearly all the studies have been successful in finding a significant relationship for specific time periods, but when these are extended, or when the function is used to forecast outside the original estimation period, the relationship appears to break down.



2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Khairunnisa Musari

Pandemic brings a crisis. This makes world leaders have to work hard and smartly in managing state budgets. During the heyday of Islam, Muslims also faced crises. Given that time the power of Islam mastered many areas of the world, it can be assumed that the crisis that occurred in the past was a global crisis as it is happening today. The difference is the crisis that occurred at the time because of losing the war. This paper tries to describe the historical experience of the esham, one of the fiscal instruments in the Islamic world that helped the Ottoman Empire overcome the crisis. Esham has mobilized low-cost funds from the public in a relatively concise time. Esham served as a better choice than looking for foreign debt. As the origin of sukuk, esham has simpler structure so that can be used as an alternative to sukuk with a lower cost. To deal with a crisis, esham may intervene in the economy. Esham funds to the real sector in turn will help the government drive the economy as well as control prices in the market for goods and services. Therefore, esham has the potential in facing the crisis.



2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
I Made Ari Kapela

Indonesian Criminal Code Bill proposal, suddenly became a hot issue after Indonesia commemorate their 74th Independence Day. The executive and legislative accelerated completion of Indonesian Criminal Code Bill (ICCB) at Fairmont Hotel, Jakarta. Many parties have been urging the government to revise some outdated articles since the penal code was a product of Dutch colonialism in the past. Three crucial topics were discussed and added to the draft regarding blasphemy to president, crimes against morality and decency, as well as specific intent crime. Apparently, some parties were unsatisfied with the draft. Waves of uproar sprang up between mid-September and early October 2019. the demonstrators considered that there are ten controversial articles in the ICCB that have vague enforcement parameters. To reduce the public tension, the government agreed to delay the ICCB ratification that, according to public includes multiple problematic articles. President Joko Widodo stated that more input would be conducted before disseminate the latest ICCB information to public. The postponement would be evoked after the new set of parliaments is inaugurated. Albeit being postponed, Tourism practitioner in Bali experiencing significant loss of tourists visit due to the issues. It is expected in future; the government would involve tourism practitioner in group discussion before setting new regulations that may affect the vital industry of Indonesia.



2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Kibblewhite ◽  
Peter Boshier

Concern exists that New Zealand hasn’t struck the right balance between two potentially competing principles of good government: officials should provide free and frank advice to ministers, and the public should have opportunities to participate in decision making and hold the government to account. Steps we have taken to address this include: strengthening constitutional underpinnings for free and frank advice (Cabinet Manual changes and issuing expectations for officials); a work programme to improve government agency practice in relation to the Official Information Act; and the Office of the Ombudsman reducing uncertainty about when advice can be withheld by issuing new principles-based guidance and providing more advisory services.



2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 395-404
Author(s):  
Maurice S. Nyarangaa ◽  
Chen Hao ◽  
Duncan O. Hongo

Public participation aimed at improving the effectiveness of governance by involving citizens in governance policy formulation and decision-making processes. It was designed to promote transparency, accountability and effectiveness of any modern government. Although Kenya has legally adopted public participation in day-to-day government activities, challenges still cripple its effectiveness as documented by several scholars. Instead of reducing conflicts between the government and the public, it has heightened witnessing so many petitions of government missing on priorities in terms of development and government policies. Results show that participation weakly relates with governance hence frictions sustainable development. Theoretically, public participation influences governance efficiency and development, directly and indirectly, thus sustainable development policy and implementation depends on Public participation and good governance. However, an effective public participation in governance is has been fractioned by the government. Instead of being a promoter/sponsor of public participation, the government of Kenya has failed to put structures that would spur participation of citizens in policy making and other days to activities. This has brought about wrong priority setting and misappropriation of public resources; The government officials and political class interference ultimately limit public opinion and input effects on decision-making and policy formulation, which might be an inner factor determining the failure of public participation in Kenya. The study suggests the need for strengthening public participation by establishing an independent institution to preside over public participation processes.



2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-329
Author(s):  
Kamaluddin Abbas

The government has made many laws and regulations, but corruption issues cannot yet be controlled. Police and Prosecuting Attorney Institutions have not yet functioned effectively and efficiently in eradicating corruption. Therefore, the public hopes Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK)/the Corruption Eradication Commission eliminates the crime. KPK is considerably appreciated by the public due to Operasi Tangkap Tangan (OTT)/Red-handed Catch Operation to many government officials involved in bribery action, but the subject matter thereof is whether the OTT is in line with the fundamental consideration of KPK founding pursuant to Law Number 30 of 2002 as updated by the Law Number 19 of 2019 in order to increase the eradication of corruption crime causing the state's financial loss with respect to people welfare particularly KPK powers pursuant to the provision of Article 11 thereof, among others, specifying that KPK shall be authorized to conduct inquiry, investigation and prosecution on corruption crime related to the state financial loss of at least Rp 1,000,000,000 but in fact many OTTs performed by KPK have a value of hundred million Rupiah only and even there are any cases below Rp 100,000,000.-, and bribery action control through OTT being more dominant if compared to the state's financial corruption is not in line with the primary consideration of KPK founding, and similarly the OTT below 1 billion Rupiah doesn't conform to the provision of Article 11 thereof.



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