scholarly journals Perempuan Bali dalam Kontestasi Pemilu: Kuantitas vs Kualitas

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-40
Author(s):  
I G.A.A. Dewi Sucitawathi ◽  
I Wayan Joniarta

Women's political participation in the political stage has increased, one of which is due to the creation of the 2003 Election Law which regulates the quota of women legislative candidates at least 30 percent. The emergence of regulations that open wide avenues for women to take part in politics, in fact, is inversely proportional to the conditions of women cadres in Bali. In Bali, women who succeed in sitting in the district / city legislature can be counted by fingers. From the 2004 to 2014 elections, no more than 10 percent of Balinese women succeeded in gaining positions in the regional legislature. The number of Balinese women who participated was relatively large, but after voting (elections), only a few managed to win. So that this raises the phenomenon of Balinese female cadres being only used as a tool to fulfill the quota of political parties without being given the knowledge, motivation and fighting spirit to take careers seriously in the world of practical politics. 

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 306
Author(s):  
Moh Ikmal

The purpose of this study is to find out how the affirmative action of political parties in encouraging women’s political participation in Sumenep Regency. This study uses descriptive qualitative research with data collection procedures in the form of interviews, observation and documentation. Data validation techniques used are source triangulation techniques in the form of person and paper. The results show that the efforts made by political parties of Sumenep Regency in building women’s political participation include, 1) parties taking an internal/personal approach; 2) programmatic, structured and continuous development of the political model of female cadres; 3) hold meetings at times that are possible to be attended by female cadres and times that are not too preoccupied with household needs.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asha K. Elkarib

Political parties are considered gatekeepers for women’s access to political positions, as they play an important role in institutionalizing women’s inclusion in politics. Ensuring that political parties in Sudan play an active role in the advancement of gender equality and the enhancement of women’s political participation is particularly important as Sudan prepares for its transition to democracy. This Report examines political parties’ internal policies and structures and their impact on women’s access to positions of power and decision-making at all levels, starting from within the political parties themselves. By scrutinizing parties’ constitutions, manifestos and various policy documents, the report highlights how women participate in political parties and the extent to which political parties support gender equality.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Indra Fauzan

Women in the political context of Indonesia has a very significant role, because the position of women in politics in Indonesia not yet well established and sometimes even impressed marginalized because of the position of women in politics is always behind man. This can be seen in various positions in political parties, political organizations and even in Parliament though. This indicates that women's political participation is still very limited so that the position of women in politics in Indonesia is still very weak, so in need of a strategy to increase women's political participation in Indonesia either from the lowest to the highest rank. Although there is affirmative action to increase women's political participation in politics but it does not guarantee that the political position of women to be equal to men colleagues Because there are not many women who want and memimiliki opportunity for a career and strive in the path of politics. Many problems encountered principally in Indonesian culture. This study will explore how women's political participation in the political context in Indonesia and is expected to add to the treasures of female political discourse itself.


MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.


Author(s):  
I. Semenenko ◽  
G. Irishin

The economic crisis of 2008–2009 highlighted new problems in the development of the German social market economy model and brought to the forefront the factors of its resilience that have ensured Germany’s leadership positions in the EU. Changes in economic policy have affected in the first place the energy and the financial sectors. Shifts in the political landscape have led to the appearance of new political parties. These changes have affected the results of the 2013 elections, the liberal democrats failure to enter the Bundestag has made the winner – CDU – seek new coalition partners.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-143
Author(s):  
Vania Markarian

This paper – focused on a deep analysis of the student movement that occupied the streets of Montevideo in 1968 – aims at proposing some analytical lines to understand this and other contemporary cycles of protest in different places of the world. After locating these events in a wide geography characterized both by political acceleration and the dramatic display of cultural change, four relevant themes in the growing body of literature on the «global Sixties» are raised. First, it is addressed the relationship between social movements and groups or political parties in these «short cycles» of protest. Second, the idea that violence was rather a catalyzer of political innovation rather than the result of political polarization is proposed. Third, it breaks down the diversity of possible links between culture, in a broad sense, and the forms of political participation in youth mobilizations. Finally, it can be more rewarding to look at different scales of analysis of these processes, from the strictly national to the transnational circulation of ideas and people.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 37-58
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Dojwa-Turczyńska

Problematyka kreacji instytucjonalnych elit władzy jest zagadnieniem, które absorbowało i nadal absorbuje przedstawicieli nauk społecznych. Procesy rekrutacji i selekcji, zdobywania poparcia społecznego i oddolnej legitymacji zdają się interesować nie tylko świat ludzi nauki, praktyków sfery politycznej, lecz także obywateli — wyborców. W niniejszym artykule podjęto próbę udzielenia odpowiedzi na pytania dotyczące udziału radnych sejmików województw wybranych w 2014 r. w wyborach parlamentarnych kolejnego roku. Zastanawiano się nad kwestią samej skali aktywności radnych, problemami ich związania lub nie z poszczególnym blokiem politycznym i z określonym terytorium, wreszcie analizie poddano zmiany dotyczące uzyskanego przez nich poparcia wyborczego. “Winners” and “losers.” Analysis of changes in the support received by provincial assembly councillors running for parliamentThe issues of the creation of institutional elites of the authorities constitute a problem that absorbs representatives of social sciences to this day. The processes of recruitment and selection, gaining social support and bottom-up legitimization seem to absorb not only the world of academics and practitioners of the political sphere but also citizens-electors. In this paper, an attempt has been made to give answers to questions concerning the participation of provincial assembly councillors elected in 2014 in the parliamentary elections held the following year. The issue of the scale of councillors’ activity, problems of their connection or its lack with a specific political bloc and specific territory have been considered, while the rest of the analysis refers to changes regarding the electoral support they gained.


1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 698-705
Author(s):  
James K. Pollock

The elections which were held throughout Germany on May 20, 1928, are of considerable interest and importance not only to Germany but also to the rest of the world. These elections, to be sure, did not have the dramatic interest which attended the Reichstag elections of December, 1924. But they deserve attention for a number of reasons: first, because they are the first elections to be held in the Reich under what may be called normal conditions; second, because elections for five Landtags and several city councils were held at the same time; and third, because the elections gave a further test, and supplied additional evidence of the operation, of the German system of proportional representation.Despite the intensive work of the political parties, the people were not aroused to much enthusiasm during the campaign. The old Reichstag was dissolved before Easter, but not until the last week of the campaign could one detect any excitement. Never before had the electors been bombarded with so much printed matter, posters, and, last but not least, loud-speakers and films. All the modern methods of appealing to the voters were tried by the numerous political parties. There were lacking, however, the overpowering issues and the battlecries which were so effective in 1924. Parades, demonstrations, meetings, and all the rest were carried through successfully on the whole, but they were quite dull and uninteresting. Only the two extreme parties, the National Socialists or Hitlerites on the right, and the Communists on the left, could appear enthusiastic. Nevertheless, the lack of what the Germans call a “grosse Parole” and the lack of excitement are not to be deplored; their absence probably indicates progress toward social and political consolidation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (5) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Oleg Aronson

The article is devoted to an analysis of the creative work of the Russian philosopher Valery Podoroga. It focuses on the special discipline he created, namely, “analytical anthropology”, and the book “Anthropograms”, in which Valery Podoroga sets out the basic principles and analytical tools of his philosophical work. Examining the books of the philosopher that preceded the creation of analytical anthropology and those that were written later, it is possible to single out two important lines of his research. First, the philosophy of literature and second, research in the field of the political. Podoroga’s understanding of literature is broader than that of a cultural practice or a social institution. For him, it is the space of the corporal experience of contact with the world, in which the affective aspect of thinking is realized. This line of analysis points to the “poetic” dimension of the experience of thinking, since the emphasis here is on what Jakobson called the “poetic function of language”, its orientation toward itself. It is precisely the literary aspect that becomes important when analyzing the texts of philosophers (Kierkegaard, Nietzsche, Heidegger); however, what is even more important is that in the very experience of fiction Podoroga is trying to find new means for philosophy. His “poetic line” is closely connected with the poetics of space (Bachelard) and the phenomenology of the body (Merleau-Ponty, Henry). It is the combination of poetics and phenomenology that allows Podoroga to overcome both the orientation of poetics exclusively toward language and the categorical apparatus of philosophy. The main result of Valery Podoroga’s work is the creation of an “anthropogram”, a special kind of scheme in which the action of the Work (a literary work, but not only) is immanent to the dynamics of the world. Is it possible to create such anthropograms outside the field of literature? Podoroga does not specify. The article attempts to show how Podoroga’s ways of working with literary texts correlate with his works dealing with the technologies of power and violence, transforming separate political and ethical terms into anthropograms, that is, forms of thought immanent to life itself.


On Universals ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 96-120
Author(s):  
Étienne Balibar

This chapter assesses the new “quarrel of universals” that now occupies philosophy and other overlapping disciplines. In this new quarrel, the question today is not only whether one is for or against the universal; the question is also how one defines the universal—a term whose surprising equivocity has become increasingly clear. Still more fundamentally, the question is how one should articulate the relationship between three related but heterogeneous terms whose widespread use has prompted conflicting claims: the universal, universality, and universalisms. The chapter begins by situating the question of the universal and its variations within the field that seems to constitute the strategic site of intersecting domains: philosophical anthropology, understood as the analysis of the historical differences of the human and of the problem that those differences pose to their bearers. It then outlines the difficulties which can be identified in every philosophical and political usage of the universal and its “doubles” according to three aporias. The first is the aporia of the multiplicity of the “world,” or of the universe as multiversum; the second is that of Allgemeinheit or All(en)gemeinheit, in other words, the irreducible gap between the universal and the common (or community); and, finally, that of co-citizenship, the form of belonging to a political unity to come, a unity whose law of belonging (membership) would be the heterogeneity within equality or the political participation of those foreign to the community.


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